Having written numerous times about Eureka Day—the commemoration of the Eureka Rebellion at the Ballarat Goldfields on December 3, 1854—over many years, we have traversed the topic up and down.
Australian nationalists have described the events as told by historians and eyewitness accounts and rebuffed myths about the day as a signifier of multi-racialism. Consequently, we have endeavoured to analyse that historical act of rebellion in terms of where it sits in relationship to subsequent uprisings that debouched into the White Australia Policy, and thence into the heritage of Australian Nationalism. We have investigated the key figures and detailed a summary of their backgrounds and contributions to the day’s events. The question is, what do we say about it this year?
Importantly, we ask, does that spirit survive? Following the worldwide Great Reset-enabling COVID-19 spread, we witnessed that character at play with the (mostly white) freedom protesters, particularly those in Victoria, the state which was hit with by far the most draconian restrictions. Many protesters braved the condemnation of the pro-lockdown sentiment of much of the country. Aside from being labelled “plague rats” and “covidiots” among a lexicon of sarcastic insults fired from the mortars of the legacy media and private social media accounts they endured police take-downs, beatings with both fists and batons, pepper spray, and potentially lethal rubber-bullet rounds from the heavily armoured riot squad.
This is aside from all the other indignities of restrictions needlessly forced upon them and the citizens of other states.
Australians young and old defended their rights just as the miners pledged to. What differentiates them from the miners is that Australia did not exist in 1854, and where they were resisting the tyranny of their imperial overlords, the freedom protesters defied—not just the oppression of the Andrews’ regime and the Australian state, but—the globalist hegemony using COVID as a dry-run for a one world government. Where did all that energy go? Victorians not only re-elected Dan Andrews but they bolstered the strength of the Greens and the otherwise obscure socialists.
It is hard to imagine that those Victorians so brutalised by Andrews’ thugs could compromise their convictions to once more allow this parasite and madman power—let alone energise the Greens and marginal socialist whackjobs. Therefore, we can cast the brave freedom protesters in a minority, which doesn’t leave us with a comforting picture of where the Australian people are at these days.
However, this election result, which is an insult to sanity, has another component worth remembering: many Arab and other migrants tend to vote for Labor. They do it by rote because they believe that’s what’s expected of them, as migrants, and they haven’t a stitch of a clue about Australian politics anyway. Surely, that would be reason enough to proscribe them from having the vote. Yet, that by no means tells the whole story.
Nevertheless, consider the Eureka Stockade and the whereabouts it figures in Australian history. Those on the left regard it in terms of Australian working tradition, which they equate with their particular brand of Marxian politics. For them, it was about class struggle, emancipation from imperialism, and signifying the genesis of the union movement. It was all those things but not in the way they imagine. Because their interpretive view of history removes the narrative that they find abhorrent; that all those things resulted in the White Australia Policy, not a Leninist-Trotskyite trope.
Subsequent uprisings reworked the stunning Eureka flag’s design into that which flew at Lambing Flats. Leftists go out of their way to try and repudiate any similarity between the flags, exposing their narrative’s intrinsic fault line. The miners at Ballarat were not organised labour but fortune seekers, or, sole traders in contemporary parlance. Those at Lambing Flat were moving towards collectivist bargaining, but not in the “inclusive” regard of those who sang the Internationale. So, Eureka has greater satisfaction for nativists or Australian nationalists.
The despised “celestial” or “Chinaman” posed a threat—not only to those White men who mined as individuals—but to our states and their mono-culturality. They had to be physically driven out, forced back to the sea, and returned to China. The miners at Ballarat comprised two blacks, but their contribution was hardly likely to chagrin the sensibilities of the White miners, any more than it contributed to a narrative that is unarguably multi-racial in its observation. Likewise, just because a bunch of Afghani camel herders billeted their tents in the Aussie outback doesn’t constitute grounds for balkanizing Australia.
The conservative is no doubt split on Eureka Day, with some indifferent, while others surrender it to the Lefties unchallenged. After all, what possible use could a monarchist have for a rebellious rabble?
To Nationalists, Eureka represents much. As the flag was boisterously waved by the Freedom Protesters, to whom its significance was defiance, so it is to us. We rally around the Eureka because it affirms our identity as Australians, offering a historic battle against the forces of imperialism from which to draw inspiration, but it also furnishes us with a starting point. When the idea of a group of White men standing their ground led to the colonies uniting under the principle of a White nation. That’s quite a thing, and to us, those miners were heroes.
“Today it’s for our rights as miners”, might’ve been the cry, but “tomorrow it’s our rights as Australians.”
The miners may have been mercenaries in the sense that each miner was chasing his fortune, but they were collectivised to fight a common enemy. And in a holistic sense, their gold diggings did not simply generate a fortune for those miners lucky enough to strike it lucky, but their labour created Victoria’s gold reserves, allowing the colony its economic independence. The miners won the conditions they were after, although here it is generally overlooked that the Victorian governor, Sir Charles Hotham, had already recommended these to England’s parliament, but, their passage was delayed by the Crimean War.
What can also be told about that event is what came after—how Victorians demonstrated for the arrested miners and saw the majority of them freed from charges of high treason. They stood by their people. Victorians hid Peter Lalor, after his serious wounding. Both leaders of the rebellion, John Humffray and Peter Lalor went on to become members of Victoria’s legislative council. Theirs was the first blood to stain the proverbial wattle of Henry Lawson’s poem.
What of that now? Those freedom protesters that fought the state tyranny—by a far a majority of Whites—are a minority in Victoria to which Eureka is their legacy. Daniel Andrews, the communist admirer and self-anointed statesman blew shit mist at the memory of the miners, and those diggers that chased off the Chinese threat on other mines in Victoria and NSW. He apologised to the Chinese community and repositioned the “official narrative” to demonise those visionary men. During COVID, be became a tyranny. Today, the legacy of the miners and the freedom fighters are quashed. Where is the Eureka spirit now?
Eureka is rarely mentioned by the mainstream media or commemorated by any but ratty unionists and those nativists who can be bothered. The demographics of Australia are an ink blot. What would Eureka mean to the phlegm-gargling Arabs, or to smash-and-grab Africans, or Indians on the take, or the Chinese replacing the White man? What does any piece of Australian history mean to economic migrants and nation-stealers? Nothing, and that’s the point. Australians are left with the biggest battle of their existence but there is no will to stage that fight. There is no understanding of the need to rebel, as Australians are divided along every possible line, but especially politically.
The so-called “far-right” of Australia, which nationalists are not a part of, is all over the shop. Whereas in former times it was unified based on fighting communism, and often opposing immigration, it’s now splintered and led by compromised conservatives and feckless opportunists like Pauline Hanson and Mark Latham. It’s hard to think of any others since the Liberals don’t count in any sense. When it comes to the “extreme right” you have a mash of a honeypot peopled by rejects with the lowest character types who’re motivated more by notoriety and social media infamy than any kind of sincere wish to restore Australia on its proper course of destiny.
It doesn’t look good. ■