On Friday, April 1, Australian Nationalist Nathan Sykes was sentenced to a 19-month Intensive Correction Order. Judge Gina O’Rourke wanted to jail him. Her disdain for the 53-year-old author was palpable. There was a moment in court when he thought she had done just that. Deone Provera, Sykes’s barrister, even turned around in his seat to see if the corrective service officers were coming to take him down.
Sykes was convicted of two charges: 1) threatening serious harm by using a carriage service and 2) using a carriage service to threaten, harass, or offend someone. They are weighty charges. The case went to the District Court because Sykes chose to fight the charges. He argued he had no memory of them, but the fact was, he was angling to get Luke McMahon on the stand. He has contended all along that he was responding to ongoing harassment by the “victim.” The evidence supports his contention. But that evidence was never heard because the judge had disallowed the only defence his legal team could offer.
Unable to tell his story other than at sentencing, he pleaded guilty. He could see that his back was against the wall. Yet, by stringing out the matter, he managed to get the crown to drop most of the charges and take prison off the table. If he had pleaded guilty in the lower court, he would have undoubtedly served time, albeit less than what the District Court could impose.
The 19-month order comes after a hiatus as the case hung stagnant for three long years in the NSW court system. But the matter was older than that: he had been under court-imposed conditions for four years. By the end of the ICO, his sentence will have been more like five years.
The injustice of the whole thing is that the “victim” in this case sat smiling behind his monitor as he watched via the remote screen, enjoying the proceedings as a free man. By rights, Melbourne legal-aid lawyer Luke McMahon, 43, should’ve been seated in the dock beside him. If Sykes was guilty, he was guilty too. Only, more so. In his case, the offending was far worse. But that wasn’t ever likely to happen. The difference was that McMahon is from the far-left, and Sykes is a Nationalist. The police investigated McMahon’s complaints after colluding with Nine Entertainment.
The court heard about how McMahon used an online alias to stalk and pester Mr Sykes. He was sending twisted messages right up to the time of sentencing. Some of the messages were read out in court. Sykes explained how he came to know that Luke McMahon was responsible. He argued that definitive proof could not be had since the police chose not to investigate. In his legal submission, Sykes’s barrister had included a wad of material detailing McMahon’s harassment of Sykes as far back as 2015. Sykes recounted how Newtown Police had failed to act when he made serious complaints about the anarchist in 2017. That was two years before he was arrested. He attempted on three occasions to elicit police interest. Except for supplying an event number, they ignored him.
None of it had the least impact on Judge O’Rourke. She couldn’t get past the defiant Nationalist, whose contempt for the crown’s case affronted her. Worse than that, she was woke. Holding firm in her belief that the “victim” had suffered the tortures of the damned, she let rip. The defence’s submission that Mr Sykes had already experienced extensive punitive conditions did not wash with her either. Judge O’Rourke took note that Sykes was unrepentant about his actions. Why wouldn’t he be, after what he had just detailed?
It would’ve been hard not to cringe as Judge O’Rourke read out the transcripts of the offending messages. They were colourful, to say the least. Sykes didn’t hold back. But nothing was put into context. Had Mr McMahon’s litany of attacks been read alongside them, it would’ve mitigated the impact. Sykes’s legal team had struggled to find an opportunity to do that. All along, they had advised Sykes that the court wouldn’t be the least bit sympathetic. This was an adversarial system only concerned with proving his guilt.
McMahon’s victim impact statement was a champagne comedy. He claimed to have experienced the trauma of a rape victim. It was most undignified. Here’s a delicate petal who expects us to believe he quit “investigative journalism” because of a few nasty messages. What’s more, he stated this so publicly, making him a wuss. God help him if he had been covering Melbourne’s underworld. McMahon had resigned because he was never a journalist anyway. He didn’t have the skill and wasn’t bothered with objectivity. For him, journalism was a means of conducting ideological warfare.
“His statement reminded me of a lying little snot running to the prefect complaining, ‘Nafan hurt me!’,” Sykes guffawed.
After reading through the charges and explaining her legal arithmetic for applying the sentence, Judge Gina O’Rourke finished with a missive about “freedom of speech.” Whose freedom of speech was she talking about? It was an odd statement since the truth had been suppressed the whole way through. Did she mean Luke McMahon’s right to publish social media calumnies and unproven accusations? Was she advocating for his far-left position as an anarcho-communist and anti-fascist agent? Nothing in the context of her statement suggested that it was a bipartisan remark. So we’ve no idea.
McMahon had worked as a lawyer since 2019, a year after filing a Personal Safety Intervention Order against Sykes in the Victorian Court. At one time, he was featured on the website of Doogue & George Solicitors. Then, without explanation, his profile was removed. He went to work for legal aid. That’s not exactly a vertical career trajectory, and one wonders what he did to get ghosted like that. It isn’t hard to imagine, given his utter scorn for truth, justice, and the rule of law.
For a person who sits on Twitter decrying the unfairness of the legal justice system to an audience of zero, he has a wonderful capacity to rationalise his contributions to the iniquitousness plaguing western civilisation. But judging by the deranged messages he kept sending to the New Australian Bulletin under the sobriquet “Marky Mark”, right up until the sentencing day, McMahon had a few kangaroos loose in the top paddock. A look at a photograph of the middle-aged firebrand decked out in a cheap business suit, beaming like a podgy Ted Bundy, reveals a doughnut-headed metrosexual whose bulbous eyes are swollen with madness. That’s a clear indication of a brain boiled like a lobster. Something about him also suggests a craven stirrer; a man-child. His soft physique hides a manic rage that cannot find an outlet in his puny fists, but only via anonymous online charades. He is the quintessential troll.
Therefore, it is here that we pose the unseen evidence purely for posterity. It’s easy to say that Sykes is a bloody idiot for making the calls. But when McMahon launched the campaign against him, he suffered no repercussions. You can see why Sykes figured the cops weren’t interested. But that was his mistake. The powers that be were coming after him. If they hadn’t gotten him for the calls, they would’ve gotten him for something. This is what happens when you stand up and become a vocal Nationalist.
ANARCHY IS A TROLL NAMED LUKE
Facebook and Twitter had not yet started purging along ideological lines. However, 30-day bans were handed out indiscriminately. For the budding anti-Islam patriot, Facebook was the essential medium. And wherever this conservative strain of pseudo-nationalist went, the anti-fascist trolls gathered. The two sides engaged in an online war that often spilled onto the streets of Melbourne.
Sykes was an Australian Nationalist, so he wasn’t involved with the civic patriot milieu. Yet, it was a time when groups were agitated to find out what they were. To understand the changing terminology of those days, one has to comprehend the competing ideas. Then you have to understand how those ideas were shaped by outsiders, mainly neo-conservative operators.
To a normal onlooker, or “normie,” none of these were good blokes. Nobody was innocent. It was an ideological war, and war, by its nature, is ugly. These people posted unpleasant things. Their online behaviour was obnoxious. Sykes was no different, but his ugliness had a purpose. But he often let combat override the righteousness of his position.
Notable in Luke McMahon’s submissions to the Victoria Court and the NSW Police were tabulated screengrabs of posts Sykes had made on United Nationalists Australia. He also included material from the Australia First Party, believing Sykes to be the author. The gist of this was that he was a “victim” and these reports about him were endangering his safety. Yet, he came from a side that mercilessly doxed and indefatigably assailed the characters of anyone who didn’t conform to their worldview. For a man that had behaved so atrociously as McMahon, Sykes’s solicitor summed it up when he remarked, “He can dish it out, but he can’t take it.”
McMahon, on the other hand, had a dual agenda. He saw himself as a gun-investigative journalist like his friend, Nick McKenzie. But he was tied to the anarchist underground, where he also sought a reputation. His activities with the anarchists placed him online among the patriots and nationalists. The line between trolling and “investigating” never existed. Besides, he wasn’t employed as a journalist. He never put a single rusk in his brat’s mouth from the proceeds of his ‘journalism.’
The stories McMahon pursued were mainly those that helped the ideological side he served. He went about it like a troll, and while working as a troll, he reported his activities as journalism. In reality, he was working to disrupt, defame, and dismantle his “enemies.” If he could make a name for himself out of it at the same time, all the better. Moreover, he would prefer the legitimacy that comes with being a respected journalist. Up until then, he was an outsider. Right here, is a man who shunned ethics. The ends justified the means. Best of all, given he was on the “good side,” he would never be held accountable.
To fathom McMahon’s character is to understand him as an online Jekyll and Hyde, or in this case, McMahon & Watford. The two were the same, and any line that divided McMahon from Watford was purely notional. It came to be about ego, not good and bad. There was no such thing as good and bad in the political struggle. The far-left conceal their nastiness by signalling virtues that are as empty as their consciences. The Spanish Inquisition killed for God, and so the far-left torch and burn for the sake of abstractions too. What Sykes has in favour is that while he might’ve exaggerated a point, he never lied.
So, who is the mysterious Luke McMahon? That was a question that bothered Nathan Sykes and his colleagues from the Australia First Party. At first, they weren’t sure he was an actual person.
The name had cropped up previously in nationalist circles, although Sykes first became aware of him in 2015. McMahon had published an article about the then-United Patriots Front member, Christopher Shortis. His tendentious copy appeared in the former Fairfax Media, under the mastheads of The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald. A journalist himself, Sykes was appalled by the defamatory nature of the piece. His central contention was that Mr Shortis was a budding Anders Breivik because of both his political views and his fondness for firearms. His evidence? He hadn’t provided any; it was all lurid innuendo. On the say-so of this tabloid snipe, Mr Shortis lost his right to own firearms.
Sykes took up the cudgel on Shortis’s behalf, even though he hadn’t met him. He posted about the sensationalist rot they published.
Many months later, Sykes happened to access a message request filter box in his Facebook account that he seldom checked. It sifted unsolicited messages, and he wasn’t aware of its function until stumbling across it while deleting certain texts. Facebook is continually adding and removing functions. When he checked it, he found unread messages from the devil himself. He recognised the name as that of the writer who penned that scurrilous screed about Chris Shortis. Contrary to McMahon’s claims, the messages predated the article’s publication.
McMahon came at Sykes first, a fact he withheld through the civil case and the commonwealth trial. It would’ve upset his victimhood.
“I’d like to have a chat to you Nathan. Are you able to provide me with a number i [sic] can contact you on?
If you choose not to supply me with a number I can only assume you wish to make no comment. However, I’ve been informed of several matters that I’d like to put to you – which you might be able to clear up.”
Attached to the messages were images Sykes had posted to a defunct blog. They were taken when he visited Papua New Guinea. One showed him surrounded by PNG police holding a Heckler & Koch rifle. The policemen were ex-colleagues of his bodyguard. Sykes asked if he could take the picture. There was nothing illicit about any of the photos that McMahon had appropriated. The messages continued:
“I have many more.”
“I’m hoping not to have to deal with @Andy Slackbastard – but will go to him for information if you’re not willing to talk.
up to you…. [sic]”
“Perhaps you’d like to explain.
I’m sure there is a perfectly reasonable explanation.
I’d hate to go to Andy Slackbastard with these images to try and make sense of them.”
“I guess I’ll take that as a “no comment” then Nathan.
I’ve given you more than a fair chance to respond.”
“Hows the rooming house in newtown mate [sic]?”*
*Sykes never lived at a rooming house in Newtown.
“Nice and comfy is it mate?
So close the police station mate [sic]”.
Sykes was unimpressed. This was no professional journalist. What’s more, the tone of the messages made him laugh. Who was this arrogant grasshopper? The threat to go to “Andy Slackbastard” particularly tickled him, as if he was threatening to contact the Attorney General. Furthermore, what was he inquiring about in the first place? Sykes ignored the messages but later told Chris Shortis about them. Then he forgot about it. Facebook was full of jerks, and this was just another lunatic’s tweet.
At the same time that McMahon began making unsolicited advances toward Sykes, a troll using the moniker “Mark Watford” began stalking him. The online world of nationalists and patriots was swarming with trolls during that period. It was hard not to engage in trollish behaviour to a certain degree, no matter which side you were on. Antifascists would purposefully infiltrate groups and disrupt chat sessions. The Patriots would then respond in kind. It was all rather puerile in the end. And the use of the word “trolling” here is generalised in its definition, as it has also become common usage. Trolling implies deception, not harassment. A troll disrupts rather than stalks.
MAKING SYKES “JEWISH”
In 2014, Sykes was courted by Mark McDonald as he established a ramshackle neo-Nazi [sic] grouplet he called Squadron 88. Sykes documented McDonald and his activities in his book, The Australian Nationalist White Book. McDonald was one in a long line of “glowies,” which is a term denoting someone working for the “feds.” His goal was not to establish a National Socialist state in Australia but to deceive others. One of those he targeted was Sykes. There is the suggestion that McDonald had interacted in some capacity with Luke McMahon. This will become apparent.
The “Jewish” accusation, as Sykes recounts (and was witnessed by Australia First Party president Dr Jim Saleam), came about during a get-together in Sydney’s Stanmore. Sykes had attended the Australia First Party headquarters one day in August 2014. That day, he was invited by McDonald to join them on a vigilante mission to patrol Sydney trains. His harebrained idea was for S88 members to ride Sydney’s trains and protect white members of the public from African gangsters. Instead, they had a sausage sizzle, drank beer and saluted the Nazi flag while standing around a pit fire in the yard.
That was later to come that evening. Upon his arrival, Jim Salem had immediate business with McDonald. Unbeknownst to Sykes, Dr Saleam was on McDonald’s trail. He arranged to meet with him and the S88 boys at the Summer Hill Hotel. Sykes and Salem turned up as they were heading back to McDonald’s residence. Sykes was ordering bottles of beer to go and never drank with the boys. McMahon later made an outrageous fabrication on his scarcely-read blog. Sykes, he claimed, had been drinking with a bunch of “skinheads” to whom he had disclosed his Jewishness.
There were no skinheads, and Sykes talked to no one until they reached the house. Moreover, who in their right mind would do such a thing? Yet, the only way that McMahon could’ve known about the meeting [there was no incident as he described] was either through trolling McDonald or, as he alleged, having spoken with him. That would fit since McDonald was exposed as a state rat and McMahon was also involved in shady operations.
In truth, Sykes had no idea that Dr Saleam was confronting McDonald about a recent act of stupidity. Dr Saleam then left, and Sykes wandered over to McDonald and advised him to heed Jim’s words. He didn’t know what Saleam had said, but was just offering sound advice. A foolish move. Following that, McDonald was filthy on him. He had been trying to recruit Sykes to his group. He once asked him whether he was on his side or Jim Saleam’s.
In hindsight, the nationalists realised he intended to inveigle him into criminal activity. Later on, as a result of that night, Saleam informed Sykes that McDonald was spreading a rumour that Sykes was Jewish. Sykes immediately called McDonald on his mobile. Saleam was listening in. He demanded to know about the rumours, and McDonald, not knowing Jim was eavesdropping, blamed Dr Saleam.
This is an important backstory since Sykes was not a part of the “patriot scene.” Yet, it was a couple of key patriots—since exposed as informers—who aided McMahon in promoting this falsehood. It was not widely believed at all. Only McDonald and his closest cronies pedalled the lie. However, now it has cross-pollinated between Luke McMahon, Mark McDonald, and Neil Erikson. The latter is an interesting case. Again, Sykes has written extensively about Erikson, exposing him as a state stooge.
To this day, neither has met. Erikson and Sykes had never spoken. They were strangers. Yet, suddenly, Erikson—after attempting to divide the United Patriots Front—produced a video accusing Sykes of being Jewish. He also alleged Sykes lived in a “filthy” rooming house in Newtown. As we said earlier, Sykes never lived in a rooming house in Newtown. It was McMahon who had first said so, though. More to the point, Sykes was virtually unknown. Unlike those in the patriot scene, he did not advertise his activities or self-promote. However, both McDonald and McMahon were working to try and bring him down. Why? We can only speculate. But what happens next is telling. This is where Mark Watford enters the picture.
MARK WATFORD AKA LUKE MCMAHON
The following messages were sent to Sykes’s Facebook account from 2016 onwards. Note the use of the “Ban Islam” insignia along with the anti-Semitism. It was completely incongruous. It’s a well-known fact that the anti-Islam movement was sponsored by Zionists. As such, the maxim “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” held true. Jews were believed to be allies of this movement. This shows a person who was using this identity foolishly, believing it would satisfy the patriots that he was one of them. But it demonstrated the opposite. Moreover, why would he be attacking the United Patriots Front too?
Also, note the use of the expression “tick-tock.” It would appear later in unpublished comments left by a person using a VPN and a false email address under the ID “Marky Mark.” It is an undisguised continuation of the Mark Watford identity. The comments were left on the New Australian Bulletin website. As we’ll see during the “Joshua Goldberg” caper, McMahon frequently created fake identities online. This was so he could blend in with the enemy. He did this on the Daily Stormer and on Stormfront too, among others.
Sometime in 2017, the scumbag who turned out to be an accomplice of McMahon’s oddly admitted to Sykes that Watford and McMahon were the same. We call this person “The Gerbil.”
McMahon’s YouTube and Vimeo accounts, “Aussie Lads,” which still exist, recreate a common theme he adopts when trolling. This account was central to the evolving legal matter, so bear it in mind.
Notable in this period between McMahon’s first approaches to Sykes and the production of his second politically-motivated attack piece was his online behaviour. McMahon revelled in trolling and fancied himself a grandmaster of what he perceived to be an art. But he was sloppy, too. He freely gave away clues to his pathology that served as exhibits. Sadly, with no legal advantage to Sykes. For instance, Sykes learned that McMahon was having little luck pitching a story about him to The Age. The anarchist shared his frustrations in a tweet that trembled with the angst of a teenager’s tantrum.
Sykes also learned that something was going on between him and the rat, Neil Erikson. They were conspiring to promote McMahon’s agenda. Bear in mind that Erikson produced the only known picture of Luke McMahon.
Neither Sykes nor his colleagues at Australia First were convinced that McMahon was not a nom-de-plume shared by Fairfax hatchet men. As such, they were unsure about the image. Likewise, Erikson revealed that McMahon had taken part in the infamous 2002 “dole army” hoax against A Current Affair.
In this stunt, one of the trio claimed that the reason they perpetrated the stunt was to “put tabloid journalists where they belong, which is in the gutter.”
That’s an interesting remark considering that McMahon’s journalism was nothing more than what, years earlier, he had deprecated. He had outdone those clickbait journalists in grubby tactics. He never detested them; he only ever wanted to be in their position.
TROLLING FOR FAIRFAX
About a month before the publication of his seminal work of tabloid sensationalism in April 2017, McMahon made unsolicited approaches to Sykes on Facebook. The trouble was, Sykes couldn’t respond even if he had a mind to. His account was locked on a 30-day ban.
Sykes told the Gerbil about McMahon’s messages. The Gerbil then volunteered to interpose himself. This is a strange set of events since evidence suggests the Gerbil was funnelling information, such as Sykes’s address, to McMahon months prior. Yet, he hadn’t told him about his latest fake Facebook identity, John Dickinson. Nevertheless, “Dickinson” inserted himself as a go-between, but he was much more. His proper Facebook handle is Michael Allen.
Following the publication of the article, McMahon continued his harassment. These grabs demonstrate a demented character on a crusade. Having gotten hold of outdated documents relating to Sykes’s bankruptcy (which ended in December 2016, before the article), he boasts about uploading them onto an internet site. He also indicates knowledge of an incident that occurred in March, when Sykes was first threatened by an Antifa yob at Enmore IGA. That information could only have come from either the Gerbil or the attacker.
Given that the attacker was David Gullis, who turned up in the following months to threaten to kill Sykes and attack his apartment, it’s more likely that McMahon was in contact with Gullis. As the Gerbil knew Sykes’s address but Gullis didn’t, it seems that he was sent to the right building but didn’t know the number. This would suggest McMahon sent him there. Gullis was searching for the apartment when Sykes happened upon him.
In terms of how McMahon tied in with known rats in the Patriot Movement, it’s interesting to note that the day after his article appeared in Fairfax, McMahon uploaded a video to his “Aussie Lads” channel. The video was created by Neil Erikson’s then co-conspirator, Shermon Burgess. McMahon was obsessed with Burgess and at one point changed his Facebook account to the name Shermon Burgess. In it, Burgess promotes McMahon’s lies. Were they in it together, or did he somehow dupe him? Given that Burgess was a disruptive force, it’s more likely the pair were in cahoots.
McMahon did not provide full disclosure to the police or the court about his activities. The accepted narrative was denied by Sykes’s legal team. Both the police and the judge accepted McMahon’s version. Sykes began harassing him following the publication of his article.
That story has major holes, the first being, how did he happen upon the “journalist’s” number? McMahon was circumspect about his activities. He kept secret the truth about his links to the anarchist scene. Why would his mobile number suddenly be as easy to find as a McDonald’s restaurant? Although Sykes and his team addressed this point in the trial, the judge was uninterested. She’d made up her mind, most likely, at the moment she took on the case.
Indeed, that was a question Sykes’s legal team asked. The defence team needs to know a little something about the judge. In her case, they wondered what her motivation was. Perhaps she was just a busybody who wanted to clear the backlog of post-COVID cases. Or maybe she had another reason. We’ll never know. So far, everything Sykes’s team predicted has happened. They knew the system too well, and even though they’d become brutal cynics, their main aim was to keep Sykes out of jail. His barrister even bet him a bottle of bourbon if he avoided jail. His barrister was convinced that he was gone. Sykes and his lawyer said no way. Sadly, despite winning the bet, Sykes couldn’t collect.
Rather than moving on from his “serious work”, McMahon kept from the police how he continued to bother Sykes. The article would never suffice for a fanatic like McMahon. So, he continued to send messages. In August, he published on Facebook “Nathan Sykes The Troll: Part 2”.
When Sykes realised that McMahon was using a video of him without his consent, this happened around the time that this second smear piece* was published. YouTube received a complaint from Sykes. This occurred around the time McMahon published his second round of defamation*. McMahon retaliated with a slew of pseudo-legal jargon that tangled YouTube’s little minds. He claimed Sykes wasn’t who he said he was and that he was lying. It was in that official YouTube response that McMahon included his contact details. However, he provided a false name and gave his address as The Age’s Melbourne headquarters.
Sykes called the number on the form, and McMahon answered. It was quite a moment. Yet, despite getting through, he did not dial the number again. Not so McMahon, who proceeded to inundate Sykes with nonsensical messages for the next month or so. On some days, he left up to 20 messages. During this act of trolling both YouTube and Sykes, McMahon revealed his contact number. McMahon was willingly engaged with the accused. Also, he had proven himself to be a troll and was loose with the truth. More so, he provoked the initial contact. That should’ve had some substance in the legal proceedings, but only if the judge was willing to consider his evidence. In Sykes’s case, she wasn’t.
Sykes prepared a dossier of all the plaguing material McMahon had left. Then, he and Jim Saleam took them to Newtown Police. They figured, at the very least, if he was investigated, they’d learn something of the truth about this person. Was his name really Luke McMahon? Or was he an ASIO agent or the like? The officer on duty said they couldn’t help. He recommended another department. When that department gave them the runaround, they were redirected back to Newtown Police.
On the third attempt, and after consulting with a superior upstairs, a constable photocopied a few pages of the dossier and (much later) supplied Sykes with an event number over the phone. And that was all they ever did. McMahon was informed about this. Yet, it wasn’t through the Gerbil, who’d already exposed himself as a spy. Both he and the member who introduced him were cast out of the party. So, who then? And why? McMahon made oblique references to Sykes’s predicament in his trolling, delighted that Sykes was being thwarted. He mockingly posted, “Nobody’s listening to me.” He had inside knowledge that this would be the case. He continued the harassing calls, and it was only when Sykes decided to throw away his sim card that the calls ended. He changed his number and blocked McMahon and his aliases on all of his social media accounts. Neil Erikson continued to do the bidding of McMahon. We can only speculate as to why, but he posted a video naming Sykes as a “Jew” and making an insane claim about threatening his wife and kid.
Erikson’s connection to the state’s underground network of disrupters can’t be dismissed. This was proof that he was dirty. There was no way he could argue he didn’t know what McMahon was about since he was the first to uncover the truth about him. That speaks volumes.
DAVID GULLIS OF THE CFMEU
Sykes had two incidents in Enmore before David Gullis began his campaign of death threats and stalking. In 2016, Sykes was walking down Enmore Road when he was noticed by a group. One of them wore CFMEU apparel. He was a giant compared to Sykes. That person pointed at him and said, “That’s Nathan Sykes!”
The group watched him as the big one shouted out, “He’s a Nazi! That is a Nazi.” Sykes kept walking.
Later, in March 2017, Sykes entered his local IGA. He was immediately accosted by a large yobbo with a black girl who had a frizzy afro. “Hey, you’re a Nazi!” he told the store. The Asian staff were nonplussed.
“This person is a Nazi! He posts Nazi material in letterboxes. I’m going to wait for you outside,” he ranted. True to his word, he waited outside. But even though he was watching the door, Sykes managed to slip right past him. It was incredible. He made himself invisible; a little trick he learned from a Ninja.
In September 2017, Sykes was standing at the door of his tiny Enmore apartment. The building was a gothic-looking monstrosity, converted from old offices. It was decorated in faux-Greco bits and bobs, which provided points of curiosity around the rear of the building, where his apartment was situated, with the communal laundry yonder. There were four other small apartments, but everybody minded their business. Security was appalling as the gate did not shut or lock. Sykes noticed a stranger walking about, lost. Trying to be helpful, he asked where he was going. The heavyset stranger wore a peaked cap and eyeshades.
More meat than a man, he turned and grinned at Sykes. Then he made a throat-slitting gesture. Confused, Sykes questioned, “What?”
He replied, “You’re a Nazi and a paedophile.” Then he walked away leaving Sykes momentarily baffled.
Antifa used the paedophile accusation as a tactic. They hoped that anyone within hearing distance would overhear and stigmatize their target. The irony is that more paedophiles have come out of their milieu than the far-right. By ex-antifascist, Shane Hunter’s account, Sykes later learned that his antagonist wasn’t too far removed from being one himself.
Sykes called the police. He realised that Antifa had his address. They’d likely gotten it from Luke McMahon because he was never followed home by anyone suspicious. Sykes had lived in many dicey neighbourhoods throughout his life. His street smarts were better than most. He had eyes in the back of his head and was wary of everyone. He took note of strange cars and anyone who seemed out of place. Furthermore, there was no public listing of his address. Most likely, the Gerbil had supplied the address and photo to McMahon, and they’d shared it online with the antifascists and communists. That’s how they worked.
When the police arrived, they took a statement. They asked if he had any cameras, and Sykes said he didn’t. One of the two officers suggested he get some. That’s exactly what he did, for all it was worth. Meanwhile, they said they would scour footage from local shops. Nothing came of it. Newtown Police had once again given free rein to anarcho-communists. And it was not by accident either, since the incidence of them doing so is too numerous.
The rest we take from Mr Sykes’s statement to Newtown Police. They did not attempt to investigate any of his complaints. They have never, to date, investigated any statement made by Sykes. Nathan Sykes is the only person, in this case, to have been seriously threatened, had his home attacked, and been stalked for seven years by the “victim.” Given how things panned out, it’s fair to say that the whole affair was a conspiracy driven by a Fairfax/Nine agenda involving the Victoria and NSW Police. ASIO’s role in it can only be guessed at since, as documents show, the security services refused to divulge Luke McMahon’s status as a police informer.
I made various statements to Newtown Police officers regarding a member of Antifascist Action Sydney and the Coal, Forestry, Mining, and Maritime Union (CFMMEU). They are host to militant far-left organisations such as the Communist Workers Party. This man, David Gullis, first came to my address in September of 2017 and made explicit death threats against me. On December 7, 2017, at approximately 4:59 pm, my apartment in Enmore was attacked with a firehose stuck through my window by Mr. Gullis as I slept. It resulted in water damage to my property and the very real possibility of electrocution given that he soaked live electrical appliances and terminals. I caught Mr. Gullis on CCTV footage, which I supplied to Newtown Police. No action was ever taken against Mr. Gullis, although I managed to identify him through a social media campaign.
He had previously made threats to me in public that went unreported. He again visited my place on March 4, 2018. I later learned of the other complaints that existed against David Gullis, especially one by Shane Hunter, who is an ex-member of Antifascist Action and who reported an assault by him at Newtown library. Despite his and other complaints, Newtown Police chose to leave Mr. Gullis to roam free. My party president, Dr Jim Saleam, twice attempted to query NSW Police as to why they had taken no action and was met with contemptuous silence. When I endeavoured to obtain an Apprehended Violence Order against Mr. Gullis in an application made on 07/05/2018, the magistrate at my hearing refused to continue the matter unless I, with my resources, traced him to an address at which he could be served papers. If I’d known his address, I wouldn’t have been in court.
PERSONAL SAFETY INTERVENTION ORDERS
In late March 2018, two officers served Nathan Sykes with a Victorian PSIO or Personal Safety Intervention Order. Luke McMahon had upped the ante. Just as Sykes was learning that there was a real person behind the number and the name. Tragically, for him, the anarcho-communist troll had been recording all the late-night calls Sykes made when he was pissed and angry. It was a game that “Lukey Luke” played in tandem with the cannabis-soaked Gerbil.
Sykes had run an Australian Security Investment Commission search and discovered a Luke McMahon connected to a fishy two-dollar company named Job Community. He was also behind Media Direct, which purported to be an agency where whistleblowers could go. But it was a Walter Mitty setup and wasn’t registered. It existed solely for McMahon’s ego and delusions of importance. As to Job Community, the lord only knows what went on at its registered address. He may have been receiving imported packages of methylamphetamine from Indonesia for all we know. No mention of his alleged business has appeared anywhere.
What interested Sykes the most about the search was that it revealed an address associated with the mercurial McMahon. They knew that it didn’t mean he lived there, or that the address was current. However, it offered an opportunity to at least see if he did. And if he did, then they could confront him about his lies and gutter journalism. While in Melbourne, Dr Jim Saleam and another attended the address and left a card signed, “Best wishes in your journalistic fabrications.” They snapped a pic of themselves and it was published on the United Nationalists Australia website.
Little did they know, McMahon would manipulate this incident to argue he was being stalked. It was ridiculous since he didn’t even live there and Sykes was in a different state. But that didn’t matter to Victoria Police, who bought his story. It formed a major part of his PSIO application. McMahon had the instincts of a polecat.
Correspondence from the time reveals an entitled so-and-so bothering Marrickville Police in NSW. And the timing was interesting since it coincided with Sykes’ counter-filing against McMahon in the Victorian court. This was a tedious process. It resulted in about five different mentions before the final hearing. This turned out to be spot-on, as McMahon admitted to Constable Andrew Tibbett that this was his precise intention. Sykes wasn’t about to let that happen.
The PSIO period lasted from March 2018 through February 2019. However, behind the scenes, Luke McMahon was feverishly trying to get Victoria Police and NSW Police to arrest Sykes. He was supported by Constable Lucy Kerr in Victoria, who was a rough woman who resembled a half-chewed dog biscuit. Her sandpaper face could scatter a leper colony.
It was at the second one of these that a magistrate finally understood the significance of what was going on. If Sykes had had her judge the case, he would’ve gotten fair treatment, but he ended up with a hanging judge in a whole different phase of the matter. Sykes said straight out that McMahon was using the court system for a vexatious campaign in which his goal was to produce yet another bogus article.
Yet, Magistrate Abigail Burchill was the least bothered by the politics of the case, at the same time recognising it was a political stoush and a defamation case being played out as a PSIO matter.
Her Honour told Sykes, who was representing himself at that point, while McMahon had two legal representatives along with the crown, “You require counsel in this matter,” she advised. “The issues are complex and demand it. ”
She observed that the case had already burst the barriers of a Personal Safety Intervention matter. Part of that complexity was that Sykes was essentially litigating defamation through the prism of a personal safety case as it led to bullying, defamation, and stalking by the respondent. She summed up by saying that whatever the decision, it would likely be appealed.
Mr. McMahon was not present at the meeting. McMahon never attended a single mention and hid during the hearing. He slimed out of appearing in court with all the agility of an eel in a sewer pipe. Yet, he sent undercover agents into the court to spy on Sykes and his entourage. Sykes overheard one of these at Broadmeadows Magistrates’ Court. He grew suspicious of a swarthy hipster observing him from across the waiting area. The others noticed him too. Moving in his direction he heard the hipster telling whomever, “Yeah, he’s right behind me.”
Later, as they sat in a restaurant across from the court, one of Sykes’s entourage noticed a person taking pictures of them. Sykes sprang to his feet and chased the peeping tom across the carpark where he vanished in the street. However, they did manage to get a picture of the hipster’s license plate.
Sykes needed a solicitor. Legal Aid didn’t get involved in PSIO matters. This meant borrowing heavily against his late father’s estate. His father died in March 2018, and probate had yet to be granted. The thought of spending thousands on lawyers all for the sake of a tainted organism like McMahon turned his stomach, but it had to be done. McMahon’s wings needed clipping; the deranged smirk wiped from his ruling-class gob.
Finding a solicitor was like trying to find a virgin in a brothel. He ran through a list of at least 100. Nobody wanted a bar of it. Nationalists find it near impossible to find anyone in the legal profession who’s prepared to represent them. When an agency agreed to accept his business it was just his luck to be paired with a woman so woke you could change your gender just looking at her. Moreover, she regularly re-tweeted anti-fascist propaganda. Only, Sykes didn’t know this at the time.
He found out slowly when she didn’t answer his calls and lied about being out of the office. He caught her out once by calling her secretary. She said she was somewhere out of mobile range. The secretary said she was in her office. She never discussed the case with him and ignored him when documents needed filing. Eventually, she just quit after he demanded to know why the service was so sloppy. Months later he searched Twitter and found she shared a Tweet from Luke McMahon. She was one of his “followers” on the platform.
It was important for Sykes to prove to the court that McMahon wasn’t afraid; that he was revelling in the situation. It was to form the basis of his next article. This would punch his ticket into the world of “serious investigative journalism.” McMahon would expose how he risked life and limb tearing the veil off one of Australia’s most dangerous right-wing extremists [sic]. To further those interests, he hoped to push Sykes to break the terms of the PSIO. Sykes needed McMahon to do this to garner the proof he needed.
In September 2018, McMahon blinked first. He published on his Twitter account recordings of Sykes. This was a breach of the interim order as it identified the applicant of the order. At the very least, it was proof of all that he was saying about McMahon.
He attended Kogarah Police Station and provided a statement to a young constable. During that process, he made a careless oversight by admitting to making the calls. At the time, the constable wasn’t bothered by this admission of sorts. Whether or not Sykes made the calls was not of importance at that time… and in all honesty, he couldn’t remember making them. This was a PSIO matter, and his goal was to head off McMahon’s having a second bite of the apple by publishing more garbage about him.
At the same time, McMahon was working behind the scenes on a criminal arrest. It was like a game to him. All the while, he and Freshwater kept up the social media harassment.
They created fake profiles in Sykes’ name. Freshwater instigated childish Facebook pages targeting Sykes. His other goal was to impress the antifascist trolls that inhabited that social media platform. He was always chasing their approval. So, Freshwater took to his new role like shit to a blanket. He would admit to the ousted member who vouched for him that he and McMahon were in regular contact and were conducting these trollish acts in tandem. Sure enough, the Gerbil had played his friend, who for a while was convinced that McMahon carried a kind of sheriff’s badge by way of his “journalism.” He came to regret being suckered in.
Meanwhile, the Gerbil taunted Sykes on social media, suggesting he’d be jailed and that something big was in the offing. Freshwater was a confessed snitch, telling the party president during an unguarded moment that he once agreed to be wired in a fraud case. Was he a liar? Yes. Did he do this? Most likely, given his rancid nature,
The Gerbil posted lie after lie on his puerile Facebook accounts, claiming Sykes was a homosexual. This was the most outlandish accusation to date; worse than the Jew lie. McMahon and he posted this all over platforms like Gab and Twitter. However, they found little success. Nobody was paying attention to them. Their efforts reveal more about themselves.
As the weeks came and went, Sykes, contacted Kogarah Police for information about his breach complaint. He was given the runaround. Eventually, he was told that it was with Victoria Police and to call a station there. However, it was the wrong station. When he finally traced it to the correct station, the shucking began anew. An officer told him the file was with a superior. He promised they’d act upon it. But nothing happened; at least nothing good. Sykes wouldn’t learn this until nearly two years later, but it was being kept as evidence against him. After all, McMahon was a protected species.
Having acrimoniously parted ways with his solicitor, following another lengthy search, he found another agency willing to give him a shot. Once more, he was paired with a woman, for the sake of optics. His barrister, it turned out, had a very woke background. Sykes was worried about whether this would affect the quality of his professionalism.
On February 11, 2019, the matter reached its hearing. Sykes travelled to Melbourne and was joined by an entourage at Broadmeadows Magistrates’ Court.
As Sykes consulted with his new solicitor and barrister, McMahon hid in the “victim’s room.” He was adamant about keeping his face out of the court at all costs. But it seemed his legal team and Victoria Police were out to prevent Sykes from giving evidence at all. They did not want McMahon to take the stand under any circumstances. Sykes’s barrister informed him that Constable Lucy Kerr was waiting outside the court. She wanted to interview him, but he could refuse if he wanted. Needless to say, Sykes refused.
The barrister went back and forth with McMahon’s team. Sykes was told that McMahon would not be writing about the matter as he was no longer involved in journalism. He had taken on a new career as a lawyer. Bear in mind that in his victim impact statement, he blamed Sykes for the career change. He lied.
Sykes’s barrister warned him that if he took the stand, everything he said would be taken down and used in evidence. But he wouldn’t tell him why. Sykes began to wonder whether or not this barrister was acting in his interests at all. He refused to answer important questions, stating that if he did so he could be legally compromised down the track.
“What?” thought Sykes. It was all rather hinky. But then again, it may not have been. However, he came back with a proposal that appeared to suit all. If Sykes agreed to the PSIO, McMahon would accept a three-month undertaking not to write about either Sykes or the Australia First Party. Yet, if Sykes entered the court for any other reason, Lucy Kerr would do something. He wasn’t sure what that something was, and his barrister wasn’t giving anything away. Neither was his solicitor, who remained uncomfortable the whole morning. She too appeared to be evasive. Later, he felt as though he’d been played; that the real reason for this charade was to keep McMahon from being publicly exposed.
When he appeared before the magistrate, she wanted to know why McMahon wasn’t present. It was most unusual. McMahon’s brief gave an excuse, and although displeased, she accepted it. The agreement was explained to Her Honour, and she commended everyone for being “sensible.” The matter was concluded, and Sykes and his barrister waited outside for the paperwork. Again, he offered Sykes a vague but ominous warning that the matter may not have concluded. This is what fuelled his suspicions about the barrister: the fact that he simply didn’t tell him what was happening.
It was hard to imagine how it could legally implicate him by simply informing his client of what he knew. Indeed, one imagined that that was what he was being paid for. Or at least, it was surely included in his job description.
Sykes returned to Sydney. Upon reaching his apartment door, a card from Marrickville Police was stuck in his door jamb. The name Andrew Tibbett was scrawled on the back along with an email address. Furious, Sykes turned on his computer and fired off a simple reply.
Tibben called Sykes two months earlier and asked if he had any comment to make. Sykes said “none.” That was that.
McMahon was not seeking a resolution via a PSIO. He was haranguing Marrickville Police to charge Sykes. His insistency speaks volumes.
Luke. McMahon To: Andrew Tibben
Friday, November 02, 2018 07:20AM
Subject: Re: Nathaniel SYKES
It was my understanding VIcPol already supplied you with that information.
It’s the entire basis of the VicPol application in Victoria!
My suggestion would be to find a way to get that information.
I’m going to blow my f-ing stack if you don’t charge this bloke.
Ironically, on Sykes’s birthday in 2018, McMahon admitted he intended to publish more garbage about Sykes. Here, too, he reveals that he has brought the publisher of the anti-state anarcho-communist doxing blog, Slackbastard, AKA Professor Rob Sparrow into the matter. However, Slacky seemed reluctant to join the festivities.
Date: Wednesday, December 19, 2018, 12:46 AM Subject: Re: Sykes.
I know this matter has taken an extraordinary amount of time to resolve.
I understand that professor Robert Sparrow contacted you with respect to Sykes. Sparrow has received an extraordinary amount of harassment detailed through the Facebook page which Sykes has admitted being the author.
A copy of which can be found here.
I should be forthright and state that I intend to have matters published after the resolution of the civil matter in the Victorian magistrates [sic] court.
How Sykes is able to continue to publish harassing commentary inciting violence against individuals is perplexing given the amount of information that has been supplied to police.
Monday, December 31, 2018 02:23PM
Subject: Re: Re: Sykes.
No worries. Hope you had a good break.
Just on Dr Sparrow. I’ve got a whole heap of material on his harassment [SIC].
On Sat., 5 Jan. 2019, 7:09 pm Andrew Tibben
I have completed the investigation into the threatening voicemail messages. I am unable proceed with the matter further as there is not enough evidence to take the matter to court. I know that this is not the result that you wanted however I have put a lot of work into this investigation. If you would like a copy of the case you can apply for the information on the NSW police website, the case number is (271149989.
In regards to Dr Sparrow if he would like to report harassment of an online nature he can do so by either reporting the matter to Victoria Police, by calling 131444 which is the police assistance line or by making an online report on the Acorn Website. https://www.acorn.qov.au/
If you have any further questions please contact me.
On Sunday, January 13, 2019, at 11:04 p.m. Luke McMahon
I have to disagree with you there. There is plenty of evidence. Including an admission.
It’s not the outcome I want. It’s a completely farcical outcome. How someone is able to continually harass me for a year. Including leaving messages on my phone saying that his cohorts are watching my house, and that he going to kill me. Have to members of his political party turn up to my house where my wife and child are supposedly living. Post enormous amounts of online material and have the words spoken in one of his messages confirmed by NSW police could only be properly described as such.
That messages btw, of which you should have a copy, he states clearly that making a police complaint will be useless.
The following emails were exchanged before, during, and the day after McMahon signed an undertaking that kept him from appearing on the stand.
On Mon, 11 Feb 2019 at 07:24, Andrew Tibben
After speaking to detectives, I’m attempting to speak to Sykes again in an attempt to interview him.
I’ll keep you posted.
Constable Andrew Tibben
Date: Tuesday, February 12, 2019 10:20AM
Subject: Re: Re: Sykes.
I obtained the order against him without contest in Victoria. Will be publishing a long review of my case in 3 months.
I’m attaching my submissions. Sykes has engaged in multiple forms of harassment. Not just of myself – but others, both in NSW and elsewhere.
I have also attached an archived list of his article written for the daily stormer. Kindest,
On March 15, 2019, Brenton Tarrant shot up two mosques in Christchurch and killed a whole bunch of Moslems. This was a crime that Sykes was about to pay for.
Having rejected the case, McMahon arranged for his friend and fellow communist Nick McKenzie to publish the audio files. Five days later the hit squad at Nine published this. Two days after that they squeezed this out. The day after the first article, a self-described “detective” by the name of William Green visited the Australia First Party headquarters. He was accompanied by a contingent of bonehead cops. They were looking for Sykes.
Green is about the weight and height of a typical grasshopper with the appearance of a grizzled bookmaker from the slums of Surry Hills circa 1919. The man is a veritable anachronism. According to Sykes, he’s also “practical” with the truth and has only “slightly more ethics than Roger Rogerson.”
Hearing from Jim Saleam that the filth was after him, Sykes, who was recovering from an illness, contacted the Newtown Police. He left a message, promising to turn himself in the next morning. Given that he hadn’t breached the PSIO in any way (unlike McMahon), or contacted the cowering victim, he figured that was reasonable. But no, he was now public enemy number one. Finding it hard to sleep, he dropped a valium at about two in the morning. Promptly at five, there was an almighty battering at his door. Groggily, he got up to see who was there, although, he had already figured that out. The eyemask he wore to help him sleep had “Go” written on one patch and “Away” across the other.
Sykes was whisked away by five gormless detectives to Newtown Police Station and held in a glass cage for several hours. As he was put into the holding cell, Green told him, “Don’t worry, there won’t be any bash and crash.”
Sykes blurted out, incredulous, “What?”
Green wouldn’t win a fight with an angry poodle, he thought to himself. Who is this comical little character?
Sykes spent the previous night preparing a written statement that topped out at around 6,000 words. He copied it to a flash drive When they dragged him in for an interview, he refused to make a verbal statement. Instead, he drew their attention to the USB device.
But cunning old Green kept recording despite the fact he should’ve turned off the tape. See, he was trying to match Sykes’s voice to the recording. Again, the good judge Gina O’ Rourke dismissed Sykes’s barrister’s objections to this slippery act. She pretty much dismissed everything barring the case, which is the first thing that should’ve been thrown out.
After not giving a statement, Sykes was taken back to his cell. Hours later, he was fingerprinted by Green’s Arab partner, who kept saying, “Are you SURE you’ve never been convicted of anything before?” And so much for all that.
When he was finally released 12 hours later, detective Green was kind enough to notify McMahon etc, who promptly contacted the media and Antifa. As Sykes was led out bleary-eyed like a mole straining against the harsh sun cars whizzed by yelling “Nazi” and a pack of unkempt media youth pursued him like he was the ghost of Alan Bond.
One asked, “Do you like to threaten journalists?” Sykes replied, “If that’s a journalist I’m a rocket scientist.”
Another classic gumshoe reporter asked him, “Do you think that hate had anything to do with the Christchurch shootings?”
“Ask Tarrant,” Sykes snapped, “he’s the shooter.”
Sykes was released on bail with several conditions: he had to surrender his passport and report to Kogarah Police three times a week. Also, he wasn’t allowed to go within 100 m of Sydney University. That last one particularly tickled him. He asked his barrister whether they could get that enforced in perpetuity.
Within a day of his arrest, Facebook banned both his and Dr. Jim Saleam’s accounts. WordPress removed the United Nationalist Australia blog. This is evidence of deep-state interference.
While Sykes bit his tongue, McMahon and Freshwater never let up their social media attacks. We will wind out with the following screengrabs.
Finally, we say this: in the profits and losses ledger, Sykes came out on top. He really had nothing to lose anymore. On the other hand, a significant chunk of the legal community knows that McMahon is dirty. One day, with a bit of luck, news of his conduct will reach the lawyer’s equivalent of the Victorian Bar Association, should someone be thinking about making a complaint. They probably are.
Currently, Sykes has an outstanding warrant for his arrest in Victoria. His crime? Oh, he apparently “breached” the interim PSIO order. And he never turned up to court. Of course, he couldn’t turn up because nobody told him. Even if they had, he couldn’t go there because his bail conditions and the terms of the PSIO prevented him. Nice touch, eh? And during one of the interminable series of mentions at the Downing Centre in Sydney, an anti-fascist began harassing Sykes, Saleam, and Christopher Shortis. Sykes gave him a gob-full as he hid behind a policewoman while warning Sykes about what a hard man he is. The next day Sykes’s barrister informed him about how the Police tried to get Mr Antifa Snapper to make a complaint so they could charge him again. He declined. Good lad.
Note, too, that before the trial Sykes’s legal team forwarded the collected works of ‘Marky Mark’ to the prosecution. They told his lawyer to send them to the federal police. The federal police said to try NSW Police. They promised they would get someone other than Green to handle the complaint.
As if nationalists have learned a valuable lesson, the police are not our friends. You’re fine if you’re a left-wing extremist with batshit ideas like Luke McMahon, Dave Gullis, and the whole menagerie. But if you believe that Australia should be independent and sovereign, you are tussling with the very globalist rule of this nation. Australia is not to be owned by Australians ever, it must be controlled by the world’s economic elite. Well, the western elite anyway. That’s if China doesn’t get a hold of us, and if the Greens and Labor win the election, there’s a very good chance they will.
You’ve got to ask if you want us going down the road of China. Where to become a political dissident is to mark you for special attention in an arse-backward world where the cops and courts enforce the prejudice of the far-left.
One day you’re the secretary of the Melbourne Anarchist Club, the next you’re a terrified freelance journalist who moves into the law. God help any nationalists who get him if they’re granted Legal Aid in Victoria.
Finally, this tweet was posted by the scared weird little lawyer yesterday. It sums him up.
Just in case anyone was in any doubt after ALL THAT, Mr. McMahon, the old doughnut head himself, made it easy for us by tweeting in a fit of hubris. This was tweeted on this very day, April 19, 2022.