The year of our Lord, 2007, turned out to be the year of the long knives, on Stormfront, as elsewhere. Darrin Hodges went rogue and built a structure that conflicted with the terms of his AFP membership. One of those was the Anglo Australian National Community Council (AANCC). Not a genuine organisation it was simply a name without an entity.
In early 2007, he convened a meeting at Taren Point Bowling Club in Sydney’s south. Most AFP members were unaware of this conference. Attendees included middle-eastern Christians, Fred Nile’s Jewish Christian-convert secretary, and former South Lebanese army soldiers. Jim Saleam was not invited. When he confronted Hodges about the meeting Hodges shrugged it off and claimed that the Christian Democrats had hosted the meeting and he was a guest (contrary to inside information). Hodges told people he was pushing to create a ‘bloc’ between AFP supporters and Fred Nile’s Christian Democrats. Queried about his group AANCC, Hodges’ stated aims were to capitalise on antipathy toward Moslems in the Sutherland Shire by emphasising the term ‘Anglo’. Saleam rebuked his strategy since the emphasis on ‘Anglo’ was anathema to Australian nationalists due to its Anglophile connotations. Notwithstanding, Hodges had, through his clandestine activities, revealed a hidden agenda; Saleam didn’t know what it was, just that it was there.
Meanwhile, Baron Von Hund accelerated his campaign against Jim Saleam and the east coast WNs via a noxious thread on SFDU. The industrious Innes had more than one medium to wage his dirty war, he also ran the Downunder Nationalist Resource website and had the advantage of the Stormfront Down Under radio show. He was into screen printing as well, creating WPWW T-shirts and SFDU merchandise. Likewise, his wife was a co-moderator poised to delete any comment or ban members who challenged hubby. Her username was Lilith, while her real name was Emma Peterson. Together, they were infatuated with the concept of gentrifying nationalism and denigrated as ‘Nutzis’ those they deemed resistant to their program. Such nomenclature was eventually employed by the antifascists. But then with allies like Innes and Hodges, who needed antifascists?
To Innes, Stormfront was a substitute for a political party and he fantasised that the power of a moderator granted him control over Australian ‘far-right’ politics. To this end, he hosted SFDU meet-ups and developed a circle in Perth of pro-white, anti-system people. Innes wasn’t above betraying members of this circle, either, and information collected by Whitelaw Towers concluded that he was trading secrets to Darp. Bear in mind, Innes made a point of plying young impressionable newcomers to his SFDU gatherings with alcohol, dressing them in Nazi-themed outwear, and photographing them for compromising material should he need it. Often, he posted these pictures on SFDU during board wars. He had no shame.
A compromise had been achieved by Innes regarding his contempt for “extremists”. Just who or what was extreme bore no consistent element, but was whatever he might argue on the day. Innes certainly had it in for east coast WNs who might favour NS tropes. But his rules were never hard and fast. The Reverend Cailen Cambeul of the Church of Creativity would seem an odd choice of ‘friend’ for Von Hund, but that’s who was hosting his website. It was especially peculiar given how during that period the mainstream media sensationally reported on Cambeul and his website for remarks posted about non-Whites. He would, by Innes’s standards, be that which he would otherwise have condemned. Yet, perhaps, his ulterior motives would put this contradictory affiliation in clearer perspective had they been known. This is besides all the links Innes’s website shared to hardcore American sites. We also understand that Cambeul never trusted Innes.
An SFDU member named Wodensvolk accused ‘Von Dog’ and Lilith of deleting comments critical of their censures, while also removing criticisms of FDB and Darp. Many were no doubt waiting to confront Innes at August’s Sydney Forum. To that purpose, he solicited donations on the pretext of he and his wife travelling to Sydney for the forum.
Turning up the heat on Jim Saleam, Lilith presented him with an ultimatum to “prove his ethnicity in 48 hours”. Saleam, who typically ignored tactical challenges, failed to take her bait. Lilith removed him to Opposing Views or OV. The open section of SF is reserved for ideological opponents and the like. While in SF purgatory, a supportive young moderator established a thread for him to argue his case before restoring his access to the Down Under forum.
The brouhaha escalated on SF between Von Hund’s followers and those who he had deemed outcasts. The incessant attacks on the Australia First Party amounted to an airing of dirty laundry that was providing a wealth of material for enemy intelligence gatherers. Saleam contacted Don Black, Jack Boot, Paul Fromme, and David Duke and explained how the forum had been hijacked. Jack Boot’s response was swift, and this is a feather in his cap, that he respected Saleam’s reasoning. In the meantime, Jim Saleam sent a private message to Lilith and Von Hund upbraiding them over their unbecoming conduct which he asserted was, to his mind, quite intentioned. Unsurprisingly, the message was forwarded, most likely by one or the other, to Darp — who published it on his Fight Dem Back blog.
Von Hund, without being aware, was on a hiding to nothing — his treasonable conduct had finally caught up with him.
Jack Boot relieved him and Lilith of the burden of moderating, which triggered the couple. Thereafter, their entire history of posts was deleted – a punishment known as ‘hell banning’. Stripped of power, the pair immediately vented, Innes threatening to go to “the police” and “anti-fa” (FDB) with “all the information we have and become the very thing the extreme right has said we were since day dot. I don’t care either way.”
Making good on his last threat, he sent all his “files” to Darp; detailed information he’d collected about those whom he’d had around to his monthly Stormfront barbecues. Far from a truculent response to being robbed of his beloved crown, he was incensed at having been pipped from a post that enabled him to undermine the Australian nationalist movement, which, by all evidence, was his goal. If he couldn’t own it, he would burn it. The couple pulled the plug on the Downunder Nationalist Resources site, turned the mic off on their radio shows, and deleted all of their contacts. They didn’t make it to the Sydney Forum, but never returned the money they collected for their fares. Had they intended to go?
Welf Hurfurth, who never once raised his voice in defence of the Australia First Party and therefore tacitly approved Von Hund’s mendaciousness, hired Innes to build the websites for his National Anarchist group. National-Anarchism was Welf’s labour of love, he even wrote a book about it. What it all meant was hard to say, but regardless, he never had the chance to log onto his websites. Innes, proving to be the rat he was, took Hufurth’s money, registered every permutation of National Anarchy he could think of as a domain name, then crashed his sites. Poor old Welf was left out of pocket and digitally scammed.
But Innes would have one last opportunity for absorbing the attention that he thrived on so desperately. A few weeks before the Sydney Forum in August, Innes featured in an issue of the defunct Zoo Weekly, in an article entitled The Most Dangerous Men in Australia. By this time his name was mud in WN circles. The article quoted him as saying, “We were working just fine under the White Australia policy until the capitalists decided we needed a greater workforce and cheaper labour. I’m fearful that Asians are slowly outnumbering the European traditional people, the majority, who built this nation.”
Later, as a pitiful footnote to this flaky couple’s wretched story, one of those Stormfront Down Under crowd who attended his barbecues clobbered Innes during a drunken altercation and ran off with Lilith. It turned out Peterson was allegedly a victim of domestic abuse at the hands of Innes. Thence, neither was ever heard from again.
Remarkably, after a hiatus with a substitute moderator, Innes’s brother Paul Innes (Steelcapboot) took over the moderating duties on SFDU. How this came about is anyone’s guess, although it’s probable that being a sustaining member, he had the opportunity to throw his hat in the ring while chatting with admin upstairs in the private section. Otherwise, it appears the two lads were quite different from each other and deep family issues had created a rift, estranging the pair. Irrespective of this, SFDU’s popularity had dwindled as the war had taken its toll. Steelcapboot ruled with a blithering moderator’s fist over a mix of newbies who were oblivious to the mess that preceded them and weary veterans. But it wouldn’t be the last time that SFDU played host to wreckers and infiltrators.
Silverfern joined the forum around 2007 and racked up a sizeable post count in a short time. Soon exposed as a member of a Jewish forum, and fuelling suspicion that she was Jewish herself, she operated under aliases such as Maxine Gray and Tina Greco. At the same time, Andy777, the SFDU username for Professor Rob Sparrow aka Andy Fleming aka Slackbastard was present also, taking screenshots, reading profiles, and passing on information to the emerging Antifascist network. He was also playing his part in the board wars especially in private chat rooms where the sentiment was anti-Australia First. Later, he produced the apocryphal Australia First Party Wikipedia entries and others, to suit his anti-fascist agenda.
Back in NSW, Darrin Hodges was about to come out and openly challenge Jim Saleam. Concurrently, he was making noises about running for membership of AFP’s national committee. Specifically, he was after Jim’s job — he told Saleam that he wished to nominate for the role of NSW chairman and “give effect to his moderate voice.”
Hodges dismissed Saleam’s “extreme views” but never defined what he meant by “extreme” any more than he explained what he considered “moderate.” AFP did not advocate violence; there was no chatter about “gassing Jews” or the usual persiflage that others in his company, such as Martin Fletcher, considered to be honourable WN banter. Therefore, we can only deduce he was referring to the White Australia Policy or WAP. But what he most likely considered “extreme” was Saleam’s intransigence on the matter of Australian identity.
Jim Saleam welcomed Hodges to run for the council but warned that he was unlikely to win. Needless to say, it never happened. In May of 2017, Diane Teasdale proposed a vote to expel Hodges from the party. Jim Saleam was asked for his ballot, but he abstained — not out of love for Hodges but because he felt proper procedure hadn’t been observed. Nevertheless, Teasdale insisted Saleam had signed off his agreement and the expulsion proceeded. No reason was given for the termination of his membership other than a boilerplate explanation that his membership was not conducive to good management of the party.
At this point, Mark Wilson stopped talking to Jim Saleam. Teasdale was evasive about the topic. A furious Guild rang Saleam demanding action be taken on behalf of Hodges. Saleam told him that while he didn’t vote in favour of his dismissal, he supported it. Guild asked vexedly, “Is that because he wanted the chairmanship?” Saleam replied that Hodges was disruptive, reminded no doubt of the ANNCC meeting, and the gathering at Northies. To that end, what Jim Saleam hadn’t shared until now was information from an unimpeachable source who’d encountered a member of the Liberal party’s ‘right-wing’ during an accidental meeting on a train. This person confided, “We’ve been working on splitting them up.” By “them” he referred to the Australia First Party. It meant nothing to Guild.
The party’s Melbourne council held an urgent meeting in July at Andrew Guild’s house. Brendan Gidley and Andrew Guild had just been removed from AFP by Teasdale. The same method was applied as it was to Hodges; a template excuse about them not being conducive to the management of the party. Jim Saleam attended that meeting. In the raging discourse that followed uncomfortable truths were aired. Saleam accused Hodges of taking a pro-Israel path and subscribing to the anti-Islam trend. He outright labelled Hodges a “Christian-Zionist.” He said, “I don’t know what particular strain of Christian-Zionist he is, but he is a Christian-Zionist.”
Guild was apoplectic, so much so that Saleam thought that his head would burst. He reeled back, screaming, “You’re a liar! That’s not true! You lie!” He took it so personally that Saleam figured for a cheeky moment they must’ve been sleeping together. However, time (and not much of it later) would prove his charges accurate.
In light of Guild’s histrionic show of loyalty for Hodges, Jim Saleam knew Guild & Co were up-to something sneaky. Websites began appearing, geared to the ‘Protectionist’ label. Preparations had been undergone to establish pages for South Australia and Victoria. This tied together all the occurrences of the past few months: the push towards Zionism, Anglophilia, mainstreaming, the ‘moderate’ approach. To Saleam’s mind, these had to involve persons in AFP who were openly critical of his direction. Regardless, Saleam protested to Teasdale about the sacking of Guild and Gidley, but no avail. He realised something was fishy. He suspected that Hodges’s ejection from the party was a test run for other purges. He guessed that he and Andrew Phillips would be next on this ageing conservative’s list.
A week after the hastily-called Melbourne conference, Mark Wilson visited Sydney with an axe to grind. A meeting took place between him and Jim Saleam with old-timer Terry Cooksley present. Wilson’s manner was brusque, and the exchange that followed was acrimonious. The issue of Hodges, Gidley and Guild descended into an argument about the party’s direction. Displeased at Wilson’s agenda, Saleam accused the Brit of abandoning the anti-Zionist struggle, and blasted that, “You’ll also abandon White Australia!” His remarks referenced Wilson’s own words from years earlier when he contended that an Australian nationalist can only be judged by two things: his opposition to Zionism, and his commitment to White Australia. With his words thrown back in his face, Wilson retorted that Jim Saleam was “another John Tyndall”, a “sectarian”, that “we need a modern movement” and that “[Jim] … belongs to the past!” By way of a Parthian shot, he focused on Saleam and said quite deliberately, “I may have to change my mind about what happened with you and the political police”, a reference to Jim Saleam’s allegations of being framed by ASIO over the Eddie Funde case. Then, in a fashion which struck both Saleam and Cooksley as rehearsed, he got up and stormed out, a la casus belli. Now, he could claim that Jim Saleam’s implacability had created a split. After that, he rang around the party recruiting for what would soon be registered as the Australian Protectionist Party (APP).
As an organiser for the BNP Wilson had been friends with Tony Lecomber. Lecomber was the man who had Tyndall thrown out of the party to install Nick Griffin at the head. Griffin would then take the party out of its Tyndall era and launch it into the new respectable “professional phase” where it skipped around the troublesome question of Zionism, and toned its rhetoric right down to appeal to a wider demographic. Under this inclusive model, random non-whites were permitted membership. The BNP focused on the rising threat of Islam. This new accent had a dialectic effect, turning the once despised Zionist into an ally of the British working man (not necessarily for the BNP perse, but for the kosher civic patriot movement). Future groups such as the English Defence League (EDL) and Britain First sprouted from this; the latter definitely of a Christian-Zionist centre. The Star of David flew alongside the British flag at heated rallies. Inconsistent with his ‘cleanskin’ line, Lecomber had spent time in jail for offences such as assaulting a Jewish teacher and possessing firebombs. Having placed Griffin in power, he later turned on him too. Mark Wilson had quite the role model for his subsequent conniving.
The APP formally announced its formation. Protectionist.net came online along with a web forum from which, for the next several years, members like Jaxxen (Bradley Pearson) would continue waging war against Australia First for control of nationalist politics. Trouble was, and this may never have occurred to Wilson’s clique, but they weren’t nationalists; they were no longer selling nationalism since the real thing wasn’t ‘respectable’ enough. Having drawn a line in the sand, Hodges was anointed party chairman in NSW with Guild assuming a national committee position alongside Wilson with Andrew Phillips as titular head. Gidley maintained loyalty to Saleam. However, the real force behind APP would remain Mark Wilson. United by treachery, Hodges, Guild and Wilson went about recruiting on Stormfront, denouncing Jim Saleam in SF chat rooms. Many moved over to the APP. This is one of the psychological effects of instigating a coup: doubt is suddenly kindled in minds hitherto free of any. It was, as Jim Perren told Saleam, “A war.”
Diverted to committee matters, Saleam discussed the ejection of Guild and Gidley with Teasdale arguing they had committed no offence. Teasdale disagreed, but couldn’t name any transgression they were guilty of. Saleam then said that Wilson was the one who should be removed since it was him causing all the bother. Teasdale shook her head of brown curls. “No,” she said, “There’s someone else behind him. I can’t say who it is now, I will have to check my facts and get back to you.”
The facts, as they stood, were that Wilson & Co sought control of the AFP. Particularly, they wanted its name, which has historical significance. Having failed in their bid, they created the APP. But the joke had been on them all along since Teasdale had known the party wasn’t registered. As such, there was no party to take over. Unbeknownst to all of them, this also meant there was no way she could expel them since no party existed to expel them from. Everything was a hoax, but nobody but Teasdale knew this. And what of her?
Teasdale had admitted to a very strange transaction during this year of turmoil when her party was on the brink of extinction. Teasdale sold a Victorian property, Chickee Babes, a shop managed by her daughter. This is where things get weirder — she sold the land and business at “way” above market value to Mark Liebler, a lawyer and former president of the Zionist Federation of Australia. Take those two things together, Mark Liebler and “way” above market value. What is odder yet is that nobody questioned this deal which she openly admitted to as though of no particular import. It was as if every day AFP members did favourable business with Zionists.
Was an incentive given her to wind up the Australia First Party? With so much intrigue the best policy is perhaps to apply the if-it-looks-like-a-duck-and-quacks-like-a-duck criteria. As a lifelong supporter of the League of Rights, Teasdale had betrayed one of their most sacred tenets regarding Zionists: she had done business with the enemy.
On the Thursday before the Sydney Forum, which was to be chaired by Jim Saleam and convened by Welf Hurfuth, Saleam rang Teasdale to discuss matters, she seemed shifty; puzzled that he’d called. She asked tentatively, “Have you checked your mail yet?”
Right away, Saelam clicked: he was about to be expelled from the party. He drove to his PO BOX and collected the mail. Sure enough, there was a letter from her office. He opened it. The paperwork was inserted for him to vote on his own expulsion from AFP. Saleam phoned Andrew Phillips. He had also received the paperwork. All along Teasdale had been working her way down the roster, striking off names. While Jim was ready for war, Phillips was beaten: dispiritedly he declared the party lost and declined an offer to fight Teasdale. He wanted nothing to do with a split, it would take a long time and never work, Jim would never take the AFP off Teasdale. Jim suggested, “You’ve been talking to Hodges, haven’t you?”
Phillips argued, “Taking the mainstream road doesn’t mean giving up your principles.” Time would prove that naïve thinking. Nonetheless, Saleam and Phillips agreed to keep quiet about the news until after the Sydney forum. But what was Teasdale’s game? Had it anything to with Mark Liebler and the Zionists and the effective payoff she received from the generous terms of the property sale?
The AFP wasn’t the nationalist body it is now. The eight core-policies existed, but it remained in the indeterminate ‘conservative’ model that Graham Campbell had created in 1996, just before Pauline Hanson came along and stole his thunder. Indeed, Teasdale was only ever ‘minding the store’ for Campbell, she had said. As such, Jim Saleam believed that Teasdale had been given Graham Campbell’s tick of approval.
Guild had accused Jim Saleam of belonging to a ‘faction’ and attempting to reorganise AFP to his model. This is fair enough since he was very much trying to establish a legitimate nationalist party. Nonesuch otherwise existed, and the central assertion of Australian nativism – that Australians are White – was the most inviolable rule of all. Teasdale was stuck in her League of Rights past and is involved with them to this day. If she has any convictions, she’ll willingly trade them for the right price.
The 2007 Sydney Forum brought an unexpected visitor. Darrin Hodges showed up bearing a copy of APP’s paper, Destiny. Encountering Jim Saleam, he was welcomed to the forum with no hard feelings, but Hodges snubbed him. However, he was more willing to engage James Perren to whom he claimed: “I’m really a national socialist, but not into the trappings.” Jim brushed him off, and Hodges departed not long after. As the other half of the Whitelaw Towers team, Perren had the measure of Hodges. He had read the emails in which Hodges proclaimed, “The wheels are already in motion, a great storm is brewing that will bring a welcome, cleansing deluge to Nationalist Politics in this country.” And, “The continuing perception of AFP being seen as a branch of the Nazi Party is a problem which must be handled most vigorously if we, as a party, wish to entertain any kind of popular support.”
This coming from a sex-toy salesman whose friend Martin Fletcher’s website was promoting every strand of NS and conspiracy theory you could imagine. And whose party would come to boast another member, Joel Buckley, a sailor with the Royal Australian Navy, who dressed like a skinhead and openly praised Hitler?
The news about Jim and Phillips’ expulsion from the AFP travelled fast the weekend of the Sydney Forum. After the Saturday, Jim and an entourage retired to Tempe for drinks. But the news had already been leaked to Stormfront Down Under. As a result, what was supposed to be a relaxing first-day evening’s get-together became an informal meeting about the future of the AFP. The talk was thereafter about saving the AFP from Teasdale.
In the following weeks, Jim Saleam and others changed the constitution, setting up the NSW incorporation. Teasdale, despite her illegal activity, rang the NSWEC and objected, trying to kill off the NSW council party. She failed. The party was now in safe hands, protected from any future Teasdale by strict rules and guidelines.
In 2010, when federal registration was restored, Jim Saleam learned the federal incorporated body was deregistered and that Teasdale had been approving memberships and taking fees for a non-existent party. What happened to all that money? Phillips moved across to the APP where, as SA representative he also became National Chairman. The APP wasn’t registered until 2011. It was deregistered in 2015 but continues as a sort of political ghost ship, a failed experiment too proud to admit that all along it was wrong.
In 2008, Nicholas Folkes joined the APP. He was enamoured of Hodges, following him around like a faithful dog. That year, Hodges quit posting on SFDU.
In 2011, Hodges took the APP to King Street Newtown to defend the Jewish company Max Brenner chocolates which were under fire from a coalition of Leftist groups promoting a boycott against the franchise in the name of Palestinian rights. Do any of the current crew of the listing ghost ship APP finally acknowledge they were fooled? Have they ever agreed that Wilson took them on a route directly in conflict with the core beliefs of Australian nationalism? You bet they didn’t, and haven’t.
To this day, both Andrews remain under the Svengali sway of this otherwise irrelevant Englishman, who believes strongly that Australia is an English colony, and its identity is dictated by its colonial past. Sadly, both Andrews are Anglophiles and work stridently for this view. From 2007 until 2012 Darrin Hodges blighted the Australia First Party like a streaker at a cricket match. But he managed to make his party’s name newsworthy, appearing twice on television in his capacity as an APP leader (we still aren’t sure what his exact role was), appearing on Today Tonight, and on the ABC.
Hodges was dogged throughout this period by the indefatigable Peter Campbell of Whitelaw Towers. Campbell used his wit like a foil. Merciless and unrelenting, he never ceased to elicit a rise out of Hodges. Sadly, Peter died in a motorcycle accident but not before he’d pushed Hodges to the edge of his tiny mind. Mysteriously upping stumps, Hodges vanished in 2012. He left no forwarding address and hasn’t been heard from since. Moreover, he left his shadow, Nick Folkes, whimpering like an abandoned puppy.
Folkes eventually drove a split in the APP and during 2013 took its Sydney members and started the Geert Wilders inspired Party for Freedom; again, relying heavily on anti-Islam sentiment. Both Guild and Phillips were messed up by their dealings with Folkes and admitted as much. Nevertheless, they remain adornments on the APP crypt. APP retains its Facebook page and Twitter accounts but has been banished from YouTube. It has an obligatory GAB account although that platform has never proven much to any non-American that has joined. The dregs of APP remain virulently oppositional to AFP, but more so, to Jim Saleam. They abhor him as the very myth they created. In their remnants, the APP is reactionaries; mouthing generic far-right sentiments without the conviction to stand up and do anything. Their lethargy is inherited from Mark Wilson. He is described as having “no staying power” and “no initiatives.” But then those mattered little to his ultimate mission.
In 2016, in Ballarat where he and his family now live, he made a half-arsed effort to found The White Rabbit Reading Club; an abortive attempt to promote his tea-weak brand of right-wing politics. Since then he was crucial in stifling the formation of the Coalition of Australian Nationalists (CAN) as he encouraged members of the APP to split every hair they could, to grind it to a still-born death. When, in a spirit of unification, Jim Saleam proposed Andrew Guild membership of the new Australian Council of Nationalists this year, Guild employed the same tactics: fussing over the use of the Eureka Flag logo. This was after taking issue with the wording of the council’s constitution. He ended up leaving when the New Australian Bulletin’s representative got shot of him and called him for what he was: a troll. A week or so later, suddenly the APP and Nationalist Alternative (another ghost of a bygone idea which never gained fruit) began issuing statements as ‘the Coalition of Australian Nationalists’.
Nowadays, APP is part of the baffling diaspora that usually come together on XYZ when they stream forums. Bradley Pearson took part in the most recent and has been a frequent guest on their chat-videos. They share each other’s material.
XYZ has no stringent editorial direction: it is part comic-book anti-Semitism, part-conservative, part conspiracy theory, and poses as White Nationalist, and nationalist, but with a ‘Christian ethic’. It aims to be everything at once without understanding the impossibility and insincerity in doing so.
Annoyingly, XYZ is stuck in the Daily Stormer mindset of 2016, where, either incapable of, or too lazy to produce original content, they caption the news with snarky pointers which aren’t at all funny. It is the perfect habitat for the likes of the APP which surrendered relevance when it rejected Australian nativism. When necessary it will, like others on XYZ, mimic Australian nativism but will never commit. And Mark Wilson can always be counted on to encourage this cultural cringe.
What has Mark Wilson, for all his meddling in our affairs ever achieved? What has Andrew Guild accomplished? What of Phillips? If nothing ever satisfies their standards, and yet they fail to gather the energy to make an effort, what are they about? What does it all mean?
Furthermore, Wilson, who has persisted in his interfering right up to the date of this article, is probably something else entirely. For a man who admits to having been present when MI5 created its C-18 scam while having been best friends with the man who overthrew John Tyndall when he, Wilson, was an organiser for the BNP — who suddenly migrates to Australia at the peak of the intrigue surrounding British Nationalism – well, it reads like one of those conspiracies he loves so much.
We are further confused by his adoration of Asian culture, as he has extensively travelled to Asia, and even enrolled his daughters into Asian cooking classes. Not very Australian; not very nationalist.
The third segment of this four-part series is coming soon … stay tuned!