Christopher Shortis, a former United Patriots Front chief, has lost his fight for a security license after the Victorian Civil & Administrative Tribunal (VCAT) refused his petition.
Despite his attempt to convince the Kangaroo Court that he was a new man in an ill-advised strategy of appeasement with the political police, they were deaf to his protestations. He had tried to defend his stance on Moslems and White Australia by explaining he was “on a journey” and confused following the death of his mother.
However, Shortis failed to understand just how much the Victorian Government detested him, fearing the threat he and his fellow Patriots posed to the multiracial system.
Yesterday, VCAT “released” a statement to the globalist-propagandist publication The Age, evidently for political reasons.
Senior VCAT officer Anna Dea wrote, “I am satisfied it is not in the public interest for Mr Shortis to be granted a license.”
Shortis was previously convicted along with two former UPF members of inciting ridicule and contempt of Moslems under the Racial and Religious Tolerance Act, 2001. The charges stemmed from a video the UPF made in 2016 protesting the building of a mosque in Bendigo. In the video, Shortis wore a mock Arab headdress while decapitating a dummy. It took Victorian police a whole year to press charges.
At the time, nationalists advised fellow convict Neil Erikson, whose idea it was, not to go ahead with the prank. Australian Nativists had long argued, and it has since been proven, that Erikson was a state operative sent in among the self-described ‘Patriots’ to disrupt and misdirect their activities.
Shortis parted ways with the UPF after a few months. Having provided substantial funding for the group, and established accounts for the ‘Fortitude’ party, which was to be the UPF’s political arm, he discovered the others were misusing party funds.
“Considering his public statement and evidence before me, I find Mr Shortis either did not understand or would not accept that, when he participated in the mock beheading, he was acting outside his rights to freedom of thought, to express himself and to take part in public life,” Dea wrote.
“The RRT Act is not intended to target trivial comment, impolite remarks or legitimate discussion. Rather it is concerned with the most noxious form of conduct which incites hatred or contempt.
“In my view, a person with these attitudes is not fit and proper to be licensed to work in roles which require the demonstration of respect for the law, respect for and cooperation with Victoria Police and, most importantly, respect and equal treatment of all members of the community.”
This is rich coming from a government body belonging to a regime that worked tirelessly — along with The Age — to demonise Christopher Shortis in its ongoing witch-hunt against white Australians.
In 2015, a defamatory piece appeared in Fairfax by the now-exposed former-secretary of the Melbourne Anarchist Club, with whom the leftist media group had conspired. Following its publication, which made a slanderous comparison between him and Norwegian mass-shooter Anders Breivik, his shooter’s license was revoked. Shortis had been an exemplary firearms owner and held all the requisite safety certificates for practising on the range.
Shortis would make an excellent security guard, and is, in fact, a benign personality. But what the VCAT never mentioned was that the majority of those holding security licenses in Victoria are non-white and Moslem. The added outrage is, therefore, that a white man was denied a license in an industry dominated by non-whites from whom the white man most needs protection. White men will always lose in Victoria.
The political establishment has colluded to deny Chris a living as he studies for a law degree. He is not eligible for Austudy.
Nonetheless, many in the Nationalist movement have little sympathy for Shortis, who some regard as an opportunist and self-promoter.
An insider told NAB, “Shortis has never been a nationalist. He doesn’t even understand what it’s about and only ever parroted those around him. When he fell out with the UPF he used nationalism to try and reinvent himself but all he was really doing was hoping to maintain his place in the spotlight.
“Chris put Chris’s ego before everything else and dealing with him felt like dealing with a total caricature of dimwitted boofhead.”
This is the tragedy of Chris Shortis and others drawn into a movement that was poorly formed, without a defined direction, and riddled with snakes such as Erikson.
In 2019, all those patriot groups that seemed so prosperous four years earlier, and who were rattling the Lib-Nats who were afraid of losing the conservative vote, are gone. As nationalists had predicted, many have been broken by the fledgling anti-Moslem scene, which existed largely on social media such as Facebook.
Chris was, by all evidence, one of those. He went from his Christian faith guiding him into the anti-Islam milieu, to nationalism, where he never belonged. While in that movement, his conscience started grappling with faith-based torments. When, in 2018, the feminist comedian Eurydice Dixon was raped and murdered in a Melbourne park, and “toxic masculinity” was blamed, Shortis rushed out a video condemning “toxic” maleness. Leftists were delighted and worked to set him against his comrades. Chris seemed to be vying for approval from the very people who had set out to destroy him.
His lack of guile irritated nationalists, but given Chris is a decent fellow, they warily excused him.
The amnesty wouldn’t last long. By 2019, Chris was making overtures to conservative social media personalities, who had all along treated him as though he had never left the anti-Islam coalition. It was patently clear that Shortis was not listening to the nationalist voices around him, and was intent on pursuing a personal following. Watering down his rhetoric, Chris wasn’t so much putting on a new face, as revealing his true nature.
Having been thrust into a poor man’s celebrity fuelled by a lurid media, Chris and others like him became addicted to the attention that notoriety afforded. This might be a jangled interpretation of B.T. Barnum’s quote, “No publicity is bad publicity.” Clearly, this isn’t the case in today’s virtue-signalling world.
Not satisfied with being forced to submit to the will of former UFP ‘fuhrer’ Blair Cottrell, Shortis went off seeking another home. But the home he was seeking was in the hearts and minds of others, not among cultural revolutionaries. In spite of appearances, he never had the stomach for the battle, and he couldn’t truly understand the cause. By all accounts, Chris was forever mistaking conservative ideas as nationalist ones and had displayed innate sympathies for non-whites.
As such, Christopher Shortis is being rejected by the very establishment whose approval he had secretly sought, but given his unremarkable nature, would never have been noticed by had it not been for the anti-Islam furore.
Earlier this year, the Commonwealth Bank closed Chris’s account, as other banks have done to Australia First Party president Jim Saleam, and his former UPF colleague, Blair Cottrell.
Now, he has no place left. Nationalists will not forgive the way he turned on them this year, by disavowing our message, and claiming it was a brief phase on his “journey” to enlightenment. And, until the day he is no more, the establishment will reference him only as a villain: a creation of ‘hate’, and a moral deviant.
Regardless of having sacrificed more than most others in the cause of Australian independence, he has failed to rage against the dying of the light. By recanting his beliefs, Chris fell for the timeworn strategy the establishment employs to grind down dissidents.
Nationalists feel no guilt, just venom for those who have destroyed our nation, and set the Australian people on a course for a white-trash minority status in our own country. When the day comes, it will be no use their claiming to have been on a “journey” since we will already have their journey decided.
And it will be entirely one way.