Australian nativism is thriving. Nativists have stuck to our ground throughout all the swings and curves of the past five years.

At first, our major achievement was simply managing to stay in the saddle, but now we watch as Australian nationalism not only survives but grows in spite of all the impediments, disruptions and provocations.

And it is rising because unlike civic patriotism or the Americanised White Nationalist cults it adds up; it makes the only sense.

Australian nationalism now distinguishes itself by the title of ‘nativist’. The word is linguistically correct but it is also philosophically pertinent to our worldview, activities, and our aplomb.

But its most practical usage as a designation is to separate us from the parasitic groups and persons who made an obdurate show of appropriating the name of nationalist when they knew clear well their constituency and objectives were not in accord with those adhering to a nationalist Australian tradition.

The shyster conservatives, the neo-Nazis, and the White nationalists who ridicule the concept of nativism in favour of a quasi-globalist pan-European movement that is defiant of the very laws of racial tribalism it espouses, these have all bobbed up against our hull with the intention of capsizing us.

It is an accurate phrase, but everyone wants to be fuhrer, and we’ve seen that mentality at play over the past few years with the influx of the anti-Islam movement and its attendant identities, organisations, and infiltrators.

The anti-Islam milieu copied its European counterparts, but only on a scale comparable with our population, and a street movement was born. The media, excited by the clickbait it afforded, held hands with the establishment which was motivated by the bogey that it offered the apparatus of police and state to solidify their control.

The political intention of these street activists was never clearly defined, either here or overseas, at least not in holistic regard. There was no disputing they did have one undisputed intent, which was to fight with ‘leftists’ and ‘Antifa’, as if by defeating them half the battle would be won.

For many, engagement with the ‘enemy’ was a means to an end. Rallies were organised, not with the idea of accruing support from a public presence, but for the media opportunities and excitement to be had from the showdown; which went as much for the other side.

These pugilistic exercises, however, were hypocritical of the expressions of the movement’s leaders who advocated mainstreaming for respectability. They had the net result of driving away those respectable folks whose support they were trying to court.

Yet, just about everything this young, new, and untested generation of activists were doing was copied from overseas and – as the anti-Islam movement faded in favour of the memetic expressions of the Alt-Right — this would prove to be a losing formula.

None of those young folks who stampeded in and thrust down their flag claiming ownership of a generic ‘movement’ had any concept of the history of the overseas groups they viewed as contemporaries and wished to copy.

If they had, they would’ve known that mainstreaming (the moderating of the group or party to achieve a façade of respectability) has consistently failed. If they chose to court the harder strides of the neo-Nazis and fascists, they should have known that this was doomed to inevitable disaster.

England has never gotten nationalism right. Mosely, Tyndall, Tommy Robinson (yeah, we know, we just thought we’d throw him in there) and Nick Griffin, they dossed it up every time.

From Colin Jordan’s White Defence League, one of those instigators behind the 1958 Notting Hill Riots, to Column 88 from the late 1960s, through to the National Front, the British Movement, Combat 18, and the British National Party all came a cropper.

Perhaps the first to get it all absolutely wrong was Oswald Mosely, who was so busy modelling himself on Hitler and Mussolini that his British Union of Fascists bore no resemblance to British people. Ill-advised stunts like marching through London’s East End was also a recipe for a catastrophe and should’ve been held somewhere that the Communists had to risk their numbers.

Column 88 were grown men costumed in stormtrooper uniforms waving Nazi flags and united by a set of prejudiced ideas rather than an affirmation of their national character, identity, and culture. They extended Nazi salutes, adopted German designations, and openly admired Hitler’s SS as opposed to anything relevant to their own identity.

This courtship with Nazi cultism persisted through every major permutation of supposed British nationalism and became acute with Combat 18. Already there were ‘hard nuts’ with form as street thugs who talked of taking up arms and committing acts of terrorism, but Combat 18 took it that step further; although without the actual terrorist skills displayed by, say, Baader Meinhof’s Red Army Faction.

National Front dissolved thanks in part to their deference to visiting fugitive Italian Fascist Roberto Fiore. He brought strange and abstract ideas like ‘Political Soldiers’, and influenced the more esoteric leaders such as Derek Holland who tried turning NF into a spiritual formation based much on his own Catholicism. Naturally, the rank and file thought it was barmy, and never had any comprehension of Julius Evola or Political Soldiers.

But it was by embracing Black Separatists that the NF really bottomed-out. When its leadership began promoting the idea of support for militant blacks such as Louis Farrakhan, they lost touch with their own support base.

Nothing was new about this idea, as George Lincoln Rockwell had done the same thing and even controversially addressed a Nation of Islam conference. But it didn’t work for him so why should it work for the NF? Besides, these were men and women who utterly detested black people; it was part of the reason they supported NF in the first place.

The NF had always carried the ignominy of its Hitler-celebrants. John Tyndall, its founder and leader, was one of these. But following a stoush with Martin Webster, Tyndall went on to form the New National Front and thence The British National Party (not to be confused with John Bean and Colin Jordan’s BNP of 1960-1967).

Tyndall once again found himself sidelined when in 1989 he was ousted in favour of modernising along the lines of those presented by Cambridge graduate Nick Griffin. Under Griffin’s guardianship, the BNP began to experience increasing electoral support. However, all the good work would be undone as if preordained to forever be thwarted. Traitors, such as Ray Hill and Andy Sykes, began working with the Antifascists from Searchlight and the British media.

In 1984, Ray Hill colluded with Channel 4 as a mole to grass out those in the British nationalist movement. In doing so, he exposed links between British nationalists and international terrorism, as well as plots to bomb London, which incriminated the League of St George, National Socialist Action Party and Column 88.

Andy Sykes, who was held in the highest regard, had for two years been working with the opposition by the time he met and smuggled BBC undercover reporter Jason Gwynne in amongst the BNP to film them undercover in 2004.

The resulting documentary, Undercover with the BNP, was like having several tons of animal excrement dumped over the party. As Gwynne secretly filmed the BNP leadership and others, they admitted to criminal activities involving violence and incitement to hatred and generally behaved in a manner guaranteed to confirm everyone’s worst suspicions about their true character.

In one scene, during a major BNP outdoor event, the infiltrator manages to record BNP members exchanging Auschwitz jokes over the loudspeaker from inside a tent. In another, they play Waffen SS military songs over the PA and singalong.

None of these behaviours would be typically encountered in the world of the Australian nativist. It’s not that we’re particularly soft on the Jew Question (JQ) or that we’re wishing to appease a false public image of ourselves. Instead, we don’t worship a bygone Germanic cult nor do we trivialise our mission with foolishness such as that mentioned above, and we certainly would never behave in such a fashion at a major event, even if that gathering was closed to outsiders. But moreover, we would be more security conscious.

The only time a nativist of recent times has been caught in a semi-compromising position was in the ‘Bunker video’ in which Jim Saleam appears in a room surrounded by Nazi flags and drunken idiots giving fascist salutes to the late Muammar Gaddafi.

However, Jim Saleam just happened to be dropping by to pick up a friend, and the place in question belonged to an associate of an unsophisticated neo-Nazi group that was in actuality tied in part to a major Zionist who was, in fact, an operative for the Liberal Party. It was perhaps foolish to appear there, but the footage was filmed on a phone belonging to a member of this group and who now, by the way, lives with a coloured woman.

This was the pure chance of the situation, and despite the high hopes of the Liberal party hack who intended to use it to bring down the Australia First Party, the video failed to have any resonance.

Other than this, Australian nativism sails along without such embarrassing hiccups. And this is primarily due to our attitude.

One can also reduce the errors made by these British groups down to their carelessness with security, negligence that proceeded until recently with another overseas group, Generation Identitaire from France, who were filmed by an undercover Al Jazeera operative and exposed for similar sorts of conduct and folly. This expose had implications far beyond GI and affected France’s Front National, already bowing under the weight of Marine Le Pen’s decision to expel “all extremists”.

Le Pen, a disgrace to the legacy of her father, went on to soften stringent party policies and changed the party’s name from Front National to National Rally. This all makes infiltration and undermining unnecessary since Le Pen did all the enemy’s work for them.

GI had always worked so hard to maintain its veneer of respectability, being ever mindful of security, but nonetheless they fell for the oldest trick in the book. Admittedly, the kinds of spying technology available now make it very hard to be on top of every situation. Nonetheless, the problem is not the damage to the appearance of respectability but the lack of it to begin with.

The very mentality behind some of these exposures has the nativist mind boggle. For instance, Nick Griffin caught on camera admitting to wanting to distance the party from skinhead street thugs but to still use them as they’re important. In fact, it was said that they needed the political people to become thugs.

Why thugs? Why not legitimate security? Admittedly, physical security is a very real concern for nationalist groups and parties, but why thugs? Thug implies an impulsive destructive moron who will commit any act of carnage. But this seems to be a model of thinking based on Hitler’s brownshirts, a concession that political violence is inevitable, and it’s just a matter of holding back the tide until it naturally becomes unleashed.

Australian nativists have security concerns, and as attractive an idea, as it is to imagine our political enemies battered to a bloodied pulp, it is not a fantasy that we become invalided by. Those who brought that culture had an especially noxious effect on our movement, and they’re still out there, although their influence is diminishing daily.

Nativism has its own confidence in its beliefs and ideas without having to pinch them off the Nazis. We don’t need Hitler and his stormtroopers because Australia had the White Australia Policy. We have a literary tradition with Percy Stephensen and Henry Lawson and roots in the labour movement with William Lane, William G. Spence, et all. We have the legend of Eureka and the military legacy of our heroic Diggers, Light Horsemen, Rats of Tobruk and our brave boys up in New Guinea.

We don’t need to borrow from a cult that has nothing in common with the Australian character or identity. We do not, as the fascists do, crave a leader to come along and usher in a renewal. Our renewal will be a colossal clean-up.

We do not need conservatives who pose as nationalists yet speak of our country as a “homeland for British subjects of the British empire”. One cannot be a nationalist and preach deference to a foreign power from which, while we might have had our genesis, we also grew apart and alien from. This power which exploited us bullied us and tried to control our destiny so that we would never be free to be our own people. These are the things nativists fight against, not celebrate.

Furthermore, we accept no foreigners in our leadership. This has been a problem with various ‘movements’ that have dominated for the past four-to-five years. Only Australians may lead Australians, not New Zealanders, not Germans, not Indians (seriously) and not the bloody British. But especially not New Zealanders. Australia is for Australians. We wouldn’t dream of moving to another country and then begin telling them what to do or how to organise their business; again, these are things Australians are fighting against.

We are instantly more appealing precisely because we are not trying to be what we’re not, but exactly who we are.

And yet, it’s a struggle enough just fighting to be who we are.

John Tyndall
Colin Jordan
Ray Hill
Oswald Mosley
Derek Holland
Nick Griffin
Andy Sykes
Marine Le Pen


  1. It’d be William Guthrie Spence (not Spencer) -who kicked off organised labour in Australia – we might honour. Basically the majority of the ALP up until 1970 were Australian nationalists. After that, the bourgeois leftist influence of the ‘68 movement, a French tendency rejected even by the old-school French Communist Party, took root and progressively eliminated all the nationalists in the party. Graeme Campbell might have been the last to go.
    There’s a rich vein of nationalist thinking that lived in the ALP between Curtin and Calwell.

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