Australia Day has become a parallel symbol of dispossession on a national scale: one for those claiming Aboriginal heritage, and the other for the White Australians being divested of their national cultural heritage. In this hyperbolic mist, the division of those patriotic to one notion […]
Australia DayThe uninspiring-but-beaut suburb of Eglington in New South Wales Central Tablelands has a secret tucked away in a bedroom on the grid zone of quiet family homes nestled under the expansive southern night sky of this little acre of God’s redoubtable land. Among the meagre […]
Australian Nationalism Australian NatonalismAs the pro-Voicers loud-hail about the Aboriginal voice to parliament and the anti-Voicers try hard to negate what’s almost certain to be a rigged referendum the true objective evades all. Firstly, the brevity of detail surrounding this mooted “voice” should tell you all you need […]
The VoiceAustralia Day has become a parallel symbol of dispossession on a national scale: one for those claiming Aboriginal heritage, and the other for the White Australians being divested of their national cultural heritage. In this hyperbolic mist, the division of those patriotic to one notion […]
Australia DayAustralia Day has become a parallel symbol of dispossession on a national scale: one for those claiming Aboriginal heritage, and the other for the White Australians being divested of their national cultural heritage.
In this hyperbolic mist, the division of those patriotic to one notion of Australia holds a difference of opinion from those harbouring a garish “woke” mindset towards this country. That disconnect is irreconcilable so long as the opposing voices continue to repudiate the validity of the Australian nation.
The gripe from the Aboriginal grievance industry is that it “hurts feelings,” and that, without a “treaty,” Aborigines cannot be expected to be reminded of the arrival of European civilization on that day 255 years ago. They are fond of slogans like “sovereignty never ceded.” Consequently, they argue to “change the date” from January 26.
Many nationalistic-minded people level their fingers at what Australia Day has degenerated into—that it’s now a “celebration” of multiculturalism and all that it’s good for is conducting naturalization ceremonies. To that end, under the constant barrage of a sentimental shellacking, some are now finding excuses to surrender the date. But they’re both wrong.
It was a brave breed of man that could undergo such an unnatural voyage in the quest for knowledge, enrichment, and the advancement of their civilisation.
Only a hardy cove survived upon the slippery decks of a wooden ship, powered by sails channelling the tempestuous winds, with a sextant and compass to navigate the astrological guideposts in an endless open sea fraught with all the perils that Neptune could muster.
Huddled in cramped and leaky quarters, suffering the privation of salty rations; enduring dysentery and other sicknesses; never knowing when an encounter with a giant wave or a mass of rock beneath the keel might spill the crew and passengers into the inky black depths of Davy Jones’ Locker.
When time is unknowable, and there is no guarantee of survival on the arduous passage atop scantily chartered waters a world away from all the comforts and routine that made the ordinary citizen tender. On these decks, true prayer was uttered. But it is those with an appreciation of mankind’s wonders who understand that only those who brave the mighty oceans—and then survive—deserve honouring. Their travels forged us the privileges of our age. Had they not prevailed, what direction would world history have taken? Or, put another way, which of your father’s most hard-earned gifts would you reject?
So it was, that on Saturday, January 26 1788, 40 years before Britain abolished slavery, Captain Arthur Phillip, 48, had led an eight-month voyage of 1,420 Christian souls, including 780 captive prisoners of His Majesty (the mad) King George III 17,000 nautical miles through the Southern Ocean into what he named Sydney Cove to hoist the British flag upon a harsh unknown land.
This First Fleet of 11 ships that had reunited first at Botany Bay on Friday, January 18 turned towards what is now Port Jackson, or Sydney Harbour.
On Friday, the 25th, Lieutenant Ralph Clark of the transport Friendship surveyed the bay and cried, “How good the Almighty is to us!”
While the majority of passengers felt trepidation, Phillip jotted in his journal, “Having passed between the capes which form its entrance, we found ourselves in a port superior, in extent and excellency, to all we had seen before. We continued to run up the harbour about four miles, in a westerly direction, enjoying the luxuriant prospect of its shores, covered with trees to the water’s edge, among which many of the Indians (Aborigines) were frequently seen, till we arrived at a small snug cove on the southern side, on whose banks the plan of our operations was destined to commence.”
It is a testament to the humanity of Phillip’s captainship that all the prisoners arrived “in as good a health as could be expected or hoped for, after a long voyage,” observed the Principal Surgeon John White, from the Charlotte.
Upon Phillip’s insistence, the passengers’ provisions (including prisoners) were supplemented by fresh food gathered at Rio and the Cape of Good Hope. Likewise, he saw that all health was diligently attended to and that cleanliness was stringently maintained.
Those who disembarked from the assembled fleet could hardly have been revelling in their “white privilege”, rather, fear and dread would’ve rent most hearts with a future few dared contemplate. After all, they were starting from scratch, with those expected to toil the hardest being slaves of His Majesty. This was now a penal colony. But it was not “Australia,” it wasn’t even yet a state. This was our nation at the moment of its conception.
The British first took possession of this land, as on January 26 soon-to-be Governor Phillip in all his finery disembarked with a guard of marines in their red coats and hoist the colours.
The following day, Phillip ordered a gang of convicts and their marine sentinels to take up axes, clear the trees, and erect tents. Slowly, over that following week, the human cargo was disgorged although many would have preferred to remain aboard. The local Eora tribe had sent word around about the strange white men, and stood upon the clifftops, surveying these Berewalgal whose weapons were loud fire sticks, or muskets.
The passengers were mainly British, but there were a few Americans, French, and even Africans. Those not in chains were government officials with their wives and children, cooks, masons and other workers with the requisite grit. Given the number of civilians included in the convoy, many undoubtedly experienced a wave of exhilaration at the adventure ahead. After all, these were times of romance and spirit and, unless obliged by marriage or contract, was a journey undertaken of a man’s free will.
And that’s where we’ll leave the national ‘creation myth’, as what immediately becomes contentious is the relationship between Phillip and the Eora tribe. Right here is the point at which those anti-Australians raise their banners and spray spittle as they shout their lugubrious slogans. This is the impasse.
Yet, it is of utmost importance to recognize what a mensch Arthur Phillip was. He brooked the laughter of his peers by declaring before departure that “there shall be no slavery in the new land.” These are the words of an idealist. They were far from reserved strictly for white men.
Naturally, those convicts sentenced to transport would no doubt have grudgingly greeted his remarks given they were dragged halfway around the world in shackles to a weird country full of savages because they either pinched a loaf of mouldy bread or spoke against the king (most crimes resulted in hanging back then). However, that is beside the point.
By all accounts, Phillip possessed the finest character and the richest gifts. He is deserving of his status as the founding father of Australia, albeit, in a long view. For that honour goes never to one man but to the men of the Labor movement a century later. By that time the Eora tribe were subdued, but not in a systematic fashion.
The jolt of modernity had struck the Aboriginal people as the colony expanded, and this might’ve presented the invidious component of the settlement from Phillip’s point of view. No question about the sovereignty of a savage people could ever have occurred to men of Phillip’s era. Had the Aborigines the powers of sailing they too would’ve disregarded such factors. After all, they were warriors. But it’s a mistake to have couched this paragraph in those terms, and quite wrong: as Phillip and his generation were an enlightened type.
He believed them to be human beings and was avowed to treat them as such.
History as we know it is gathered from the journals of the day. That history is interpreted by historians, and if it is not objective it becomes either an expression of jingoism or a bitter construal of all the facts at hand.
The writing of history can never capture the essence, or truth, of the age—at best it stays on the road of objectivity in record keeping. It becomes a series of happenings described, dates and quotations, rounded down to the most important events. Thus synopsised, the history reflects the values of the times in which it was written.
And that is where we’re at today because influential historians of the past few decades have chosen the critical reading of our history to ennoble the Aborigines. They shoulder a collective guilt they project onto us all. Ironically, they do so out of similar liberal instincts to which accompanied Phillip to the new colony; leaving us with a divisive dialectic.
A country that cannot exist comfortably with its creation myth reflects a people divided by a hostile set of ideas. Should we permit those ideas? No parasite that attacks a host organism can be considered benign or well-intentioned. Such ideas, expressed in words or action, should be likened to armed invaders intent on sacking our civilisation.
The facts about Phillip and the Eora people were thus: his orders about the Aborigines were to “conciliate their affections”, and “live in amity and kindness with them.”
He was ordered to meter out justice to anyone who should “wantonly destroy, or give them any unnecessary interruption in the exercise of their several occupations.” Standard orders they might’ve been, and perhaps intended to elicit the help of Aborigines where needed, but Phillip took them to heart.
What we don’t learn about frequently is whites and blacks dancing together on beaches, nor do we hear of the traditional songs of the Aborigines themselves describing these strangers to the land, which were transmitted on the cultural telegraph among their people.
This is not to mistype the reality of the day, for while it was forbidden for a convict to kill an Aborigine or steal from one, the soldiers were at liberty to shoot them. This they did, not arbitrarily, but in answer to a spear thrown their way. And, of course, not all the governors that succeeded Phillip were as enlightened.
History either allows Aborigines carte blanche to any behaviour, no matter how threatening, based on “indigenous ownership” or the settlers had the right to defend themselves. It cut both ways, with violence inevitable, not just among different people, but between kin. Bearing in mind, Phillip’s expectations of the Aborigines were gleaned from Captain James Cook, who redacted his more unpleasant interactions with them in the recounting of his adventures, having him believe they were peaceful.
What occurred during settlement was a fact of nature that cannot be manipulated by political agents with an ulterior motive, and all of those screeching for Aboriginal rights have an agenda.
The new world will always wake up the old, and its presence is unavoidably intrusive. What is unnatural is wishing to apologise for that.
Nowadays, the world has been thoroughly explored, and any act of colonial expansion would rightly be viewed by all as aggression. But it’s a doubtful and wilful misinterpretation of history to foment such discord about Australia. Moreover, it shouldn’t be tolerated.
There is no “debate” about the correctness of the date unless you are unsure of your footing, or have a vested interest in changing it. Either you accept the Australian nation or wish to modify it based on values-centred interpretations of our short history. The sort of interference that has afflicted Canada is being employed against Australia, right down to the study of its “treaties” with their aboriginal people.
Those modifications have beset the growth of this nation in such a fashion as is being forced upon today’s youth in the form of gender transformation. This “social experiment” of Australia has never been allowed to settle, and the meddlers assume the right to keep plucking away at us. What resulted in a class-based struggle for the worker against the exploitative classes altered into an ideological desecration of the racial concept of Australia as being necessarily “white.”
The transformation of the Labor party, which represented the white working man, into an elitist party for the progressive intellectual, bears testament to that dialectic. The majority of conservatives, holding commercial interests as they did, always supported that change. Suddenly, the essence of Australia was usurped without any credible resistance.
That abhorrence of tradition as wed to history is so comparable to the western liberal nightmare of the USA, one cannot overlook the involvement of the latter’s interference in the shaping of our nation following the end of World War 2.
Prime Minister John Curtin had found himself at loggerheads with a statesman censorious of the very idea of Australia in his encounters with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt during those dark and uncertain days of the war. The impact of this devious man on Curtin’s health is believed to have hastened his departure from this mortal coil. Roosevelt made it clear that he wasn’t about to support any idea of Australia and New Zealand establishing any enclave for the white man down under.
Every national social campaign thereafter has involved thwarting our traditions. Australia Day was a tradition long before Paul Keating enshrined it as a national holiday in 1994; his party’s decision—and all who supported it—acknowledged as much.
That tradition began in the early 1800s by those we’ll pay the respect of retrospectively calling Australians developed the self-consciousness requisite to wishing to celebrate the formation of the colonies. In those rough but unpretentious times, communities celebrated with horse races and the like. A national day began taking shape.
Politicians and their business benefactors marked the occasion by hosting festive dinners. Originally dubbed “Anniversary Day”, an annual regatta that ran inaugurally in 1836 is still held, enjoying the distinction of being the world’s oldest such continuous sailing race.
However, the public celebrations only became official in 1838, at the half-century marking the arrival of the first fleet. But the cheer gained greater momentum by 1888, spreading throughout the continent.
An association of patriotic white men, the Australian Natives Association (ANA), began their campaign to make January 26 our national day. In 1988, under the dubious leadership of the former trades union leader and American spy, Bob Hawke, the day was proclaimed a national holiday. This also marked the beginning of the movement against Australia Day, which was not yet official anyway. Hawke’s successor, Paul Keating, officially rubber-stamped the holiday as being Australia Day in 1994.
It is clear, official or not, true Australians will always recognise January 26 as Australia Day. Yet, staunch conservatives are blinking in the face of the onslaught by the Left with Nationals MP Mark Canavan this year calling for a plebiscite as to whether the date should remain.
Every country needs its national story, and the fight is over how that story is told. Presently, it’s a matter of bitter contention. Those Aboriginal lobbyists and their white liberal supporters wish it to be told from the point of view of the dispossessed Aborigine. But even in calling them Aborigines, we’re lumping together what were, in fact, disparate tribes. These activists have known enough to accord the correct tribal names to those peoples and their areas, yet generalise when it suits them.
The expectation of a “treaty” asks us to forget the fact that Aborigines did not organise in the fashion of a nation. The Australian state could never negotiate one treaty because there is no single Aboriginal nation and never was. To expect us to regard them so is to thrust them into hindsight that falsely attributes to them the status of a nation—a concept unknown to them until long after European settlement.
As it is, Australia Day doubles as a political vehicle reflected in the honours handed around, with the most prominent awarded to those based on a fashionable cause or recognition.
This year, for instance, we’re asked to honour a woman and former bodybuilder who shares her message of “body positivity” with men and boys. This is a spurious basis for a national honour.
The push to overturn Australia Day has its usual commercial supporters, and the public service, generously permitting Australians to work on this national holiday. Wouldn’t they love that? The World Economic Forum (WEF), the biggest anti-sovereign syndicate the world has ever known, would fully endorse that move. Interestingly enough, Bill Gates, one of those prominent WEF criminals is in Sydney on this day.
Changing the date is the thin end of the wedge. Already, patriotic Australians have the humungous task of working to first decrease immigration intakes, and then, restore our ownership over our country by expelling the quislings of the foreign-occupied government of Canberra and undoing the damage of multiculturalism. Furthermore, what kind of referendum would we need on a new date? Will the future be marked by minority causes inflicting annual plebiscites and referendums on us to keep pace with their manufactured grievances?
The very idea that Aborigines can parade about on our significant days arm-in-arm with globalists invalidates their cause. They cannot unite with those who wish to break down the borders and swamp Australia with the world’s overflow of perennial economic migrants and retain any credibility.
There is a powerful word in the English language and it must be employed both against the assault on our national day and in the matter of an Aboriginal voice in parliament. It is very simple and can be used as an adjective, adverb, or noun: just say no. ■
The uninspiring-but-beaut suburb of Eglington in New South Wales Central Tablelands has a secret tucked away in a bedroom on the grid zone of quiet family homes nestled under the expansive southern night sky of this little acre of God’s redoubtable land. Among the meagre […]
Australian Nationalism Australian NatonalismJoshua Howes snagged the attention of the Australia First Party when they discovered he’d appropriated the party’s name for a streaming channel in which he promotes both himself and his ambitions for establishing a far-right political community.
The Australia First Party had never heard of Howes and was somewhat bothered by his appropriation of their name. The AFP discovered he was using their brand through a third party on Twitter, and reached out to enquire what gives with him. What they discovered left them flabbergasted.
See, Josh Howes is a special case—made all the more so because of whom allows him acceptance.
Howes belongs to a phenomenon that’s spawned an online subculture amongst dissidents of the far-right. It is a melange of politics and entertainment subsequent to the alt-right that has more in common with a youth cult and whose protagonists are primarily preoccupied with achieving celebrity.
Its devotees are “groypers” and “edge-lords”. If you aren’t au fait with those terms then you’re showing your age, which isn’t wise around this chauvinistically ageist clique. The former denotes a white nationalist stirrer (predominantly nativist) working online to expose milquetoast conservatives. The name itself derives from the erstwhile alt-right Pepe the Frog meme through an inexplicable and convoluted etymology. The latter is an extreme provocateur who enjoys rubbing others up the wrong way. Their online world is coded and very much age-exclusive; older nationalists are dismissed as “boomers.”
Joshua Howes found his way into this scene less than a year ago, bounding along with a vigour that needs clarifying. However, only by working diligently between them could he and a qualified psychologist produce that diagnosis.
Howes doesn’t add up. For a start, his mother is of Sri Lankan origin, while his father is white.
The two met in 1998 after his mother Shobana graduated from the University of New South Wales. Shobana (or Sho) is a GP, while Josh’s dad Phil, is the Senior Associate Minister for Families and Young People at Bathurst’s All Saints Anglican Church. A Bathurst boy “born and bred”, Phil Howes’s LinkedIn bio states he graduated with a bachelor of Dentistry from the University of Adelaide in 1974. We’re not sure, but that would make him quite long in the tooth if you do the math. Nonetheless, extracting molars and performing root canals couldn’t fill his spiritual void and at some point, Phil got turned on by Jesus.
But despite his newfound vocation as an Anglican preacher, Phil never swore a vow of celibacy, and his union with the colourful Shobana—aside from demonstrating his “open-mindedness”—produced Joshua and two younger sisters. All of Phil’s children are decidedly richer in their mother’s genes than his and it shows from their strikingly Sinhalese skin tones and features. Indeed, when it comes to whiteness in his immediate family, Phil is the odd one out.
Josh was born on the 21st of December 2002. He grew up mainly in Narromine, near Dubbo, where Pastor Phil rapped to his parish for several years as his wife worked as a GP. We’re not sure, but it’s likely Josh either attended the local high school there or the Senior Campus in Dubbo unless his folks packed him off to boarding school. That’s unlikely given that his parents’ combined income would only have been modest. Unless they were pushing methylamphetamine on the side, which isn’t likely.
In 2020, the Reverend was offered a new gig with a $100,000 pa salary at Bathurst. In 2021, he bought a 4-bedroom home in Eglington for a suspiciously cheap $30K, while nowadays his 935²m slice of suburban heaven is valued at around $700k. That’s quite a spike in full value for less than two years. The seller must’ve been desperate. That’s why, as William S. Burroughs said, you never do business with a “religious son of a bitch” unless you get it in writing. Otherwise, “he’ll have the good Lord telling him how to fuck you on the deal.”
Given Reverend Phil’s liberal instincts and his mother’s training in mental health care, it’s a wonder they haven’t perceived any red flags concerning their son. And with Phil’s role being so fundamental to the spiritual and social fabric of the Bathurst community it must surely give pause.
A little over a year ago, Phil and Sho’s eldest had graduated without honours but was itching to explore the world before undertaking tertiary education. On his “Year 13” gap year in 2021, when others of his age were breaking free in the normal fashion by swilling booze, popping pills, and dancing till all hours with their eyeballs bugging out of their skulls, Josh was undertaking more pious diversions out at a Christian retreat.
Hosted by the Anglican Youthworks and held at Camp Wanawong at Loftus south of Sydney, Y13 is a Christian disciple gap year for school leavers to prepare them to “change the world for Christ.”
Photos from Josh’s Facebook reveal him whooping it up with some of the most horrific geeks we’ve seen. The cheesiness wafts from these pictures, depicting the polar opposite of fun in an environment so uptight it’d have any one of us kicking cupboard doors in to find the sacramental wine. Ok, we’re just teasing, but it does look boring—not a six-pack or a cigar within sight. In one snap, Josh is surrounded by well-dressed lads gathered together in an outbuilding, doing nothing conspicuously exciting. Something is missing from these pics, and it’s not hard to figure out what. Indeed, it emanates all the vibes of a retreat for kids with special needs.
One of the lads holds a book in his lap, and presumably, it’s the Bible. However, given Josh’s inexplicable swing to the far right, it could just as easily be a copy of Mein Kampf.
There is a fine line between liberal degeneracy and sober nationalism, and falling on either side of it has its perils. But to be brutally frank, it’s better to have indulged and gotten wise than to permanently wear the grimacing smile of the lifelong neophyte. Nietzsche would have had a turn for the worse if he happened upon this bunch of stiffs while out for a hike.
What is most conspicuous is the prevailing whiteness of Josh’s companions, which may provide a clue as to his sudden identity crisis. Despite his brown exterior, Josh has spent his life predominantly among Anglo-Saxons. Just as a duck raised among puppies might grow up believing it’s a dog, Josh is desperate to prove his credentials as one of the pale types.
It’s unknown how Josh came to be seduced by the far right, but in his peer group, it’s fair to say that being a walking, talking contradiction doesn’t bother them in the least. His Twitter channel boasts over 800 users, while his YouTube channel has around 438, which isn’t much. However, the latter is a vehicle for promoting his Cozy.TV streaming, which is the Jewel in his Sinhala crown.
Howes might’ve been introduced to this hybrid of evangelical Christianity and pseudo-nationalism through his young Christian friends. Right now, a style of post-alt-right “nativism” is the basis of a subculture that has as its figurehead the 24-year-old American far-right evangelical Nick Fuentes. A legitimate form of celebrity surrounds Fuentes as a political actor, despite him being part-Mexican on his paternal side. Moreover, aside from advocating authoritarianism, Fuentes promotes himself as a Christian nationalist.
Perhaps Fuentes’s genealogy offers hope to all those of mixed race who feel attracted to White Nationalism. After all, enough whites pretend to be people of colour, so the paradox is not unheard of. Already, certain political commentators are aware of his popularity among Latinos so they write about Hispanic White Nationalism. Yet, the adulteration of Christianity as a Trojan Horse for white nationalism is where those like Howes find an open door.
This isn’t unique in Australia: Danny Nalliah is a Sri Lankan pastor who MCed at Reclaim Australia rallies on behalf of his defunct Rise Up Australia party. At one of these, in Sydney’s Martin Place in 2015, he led the crowd in a chant of, “Aussie Aussie Aussie, Oi Oi Oi.” It was beyond belief, more so because the mob obliged his implorations to join in, which, given the dialectic, was surreal. In those days, it was fear of Moslems that lowered the bar and allowed for inclusivity in the “movement” based on “diversity minus Islam.” Blair Cottrell, once a notorious far-right figure, even met with him for publicity purposes.
A unifying feature of the groyper class is that anti-Semitism guarantees almost anyone acceptance. It is a universal code. The black rapper turned groyper hero Kanye West is accepted by alleged white nationalists regardless of his African roots because he dared to “name the Jew”.
Subsequently—and predictably—by confronting the taboo around Semitism cult worship of “Ye” developed among the far-right online. Many incorporate “Ye 24” into their Twitter handles (including Howes) and, despite his race, pro-West memes began to circulate. This indicates a fracturing of unity around the prospect of Trump’s re-election as they shift their support to Kanye West’s unlikely presidential bid, which has about as much potential for success as a new line of KKK Barbie dolls.
Nevertheless, Josh Howes’s foray into dissident politics is inspired not by his indignation at having watched the transmogrification of the Australian nation into a western liberal international work village—thus displacing ethnic Australians—but by his fan-like emulation of the American nationalist personality Nick Fuentes, who’s likewise notable for his youth. Not that Howes has a skerrick of Fuentes’s charisma or rhetorical gifts. But Fuentes fills an opening left after the exit of the musical “rock star” among edgy youth culture.
Many, like Howes, are more attracted to his celebrity than his ideas, which—in keeping with the rock star simile—are more akin to embracing a genre than a dedicated ideology. To once again apply the pop star analogy, much of the tribal appeal of the rock hero lay in the romance of the dream that anyone might pick up a guitar and one day become famous like their idol.
Yet, while those bygone youth subcultures frequented pubs, clubs and stadiums to gratify their need for belonging, the youths who comprise this extreme form of conservatism achieved their allegiance on social media; bypassing the traditional route of investigating the established nationalist organisations, and all the instruction they can provide.
This explains why the two parties are largely unaware of the other’s existence. It is also a driver of the generational wedge that renders a mass movement impossible. Moreover, the disrespect that is shown by these “groypers” to anyone outside of their age group—as well as the codified and insular nature of their communications—points to its membership among youth subcultures rather than political organizations.
Mature age is paradoxically a negative with them and grounds to invalidate anyone they don’t wish to hear from. Yet, they protest their allegiance to “traditionalist” principles but abhor anyone old. This is a great illness in the psychopathology of western society that they are impervious to realise that they’re not immune from.
Meanwhile, like a bunch of kids drawing made-up MC patches on the back of their jackets as they ride off on bicycles thinking they’re an outlaw motorcycle gang, the child crusaders behind their keyboards believe their accretion of nationalist idioms gathered from all over and reproduced ad hoc on Twitter qualify them to form a club of their own.
Their behaviour is foolish and an unforgivable corruption of the inviolable codes governing nationalism. Firstly, their foolishness resides in leaving themselves open to doxing on social media. These kids laugh when they’re warned about the potential consequences because, to many, it’s just a big game. Secondly, having established an inclusive environment for those like Howes, they’re fundamentally altering the DNA of nationalism so that it becomes something different.
Unpacking the singularity of Josh Howes leaves a devastating conclusion. For a start, he fails to see that he is the living embodiment of what nationalists organise against. He is the product of racial miscegenation; he is symbolic of everything we’re agin. This makes his desire—not to just be accepted by us—but to want to “lead” us, an outright affront to everything we nationalists stand for.
Amusingly, in a recent video in which he slammed the voice and the entitlement of Aborigines, he referred to seeking a university scholarship, complaining he didn’t get one because he’s not a person of colour. For a boy who slams the illogic of the transgender community, in which a man can claim to “identify” as a woman, he has yet to win the battle with reality over his own identity. Or is that “identities” plural? He has many. One of those is an “incel,” which is unsurprising. As one comment on his live stream read, “Who is this nigger?” ■
As the pro-Voicers loud-hail about the Aboriginal voice to parliament and the anti-Voicers try hard to negate what’s almost certain to be a rigged referendum the true objective evades all. Firstly, the brevity of detail surrounding this mooted “voice” should tell you all you need […]
The VoiceAs the pro-Voicers loud-hail about the Aboriginal voice to parliament and the anti-Voicers try hard to negate what’s almost certain to be a rigged referendum the true objective evades all.
Firstly, the brevity of detail surrounding this mooted “voice” should tell you all you need to know: that it’s something that the deep state wants and aims to get but is misleading Australians and our massive immigrant demographic about what it all earnestly means.
The critics are naturally labelled as “racists” while the proponents are effusive with fuzzy feelings and promises of constitutional emancipation for the Aborigines. The notion one must undertake if they’re to follow the pro-voice logic is that Aborigines are currently excluded from the electoral process. One is also led to assume that they have “special needs” that aren’t being met and that, in the first place, they assume a priority in the Australian state that’s been sorely overlooked from day one.
What hasn’t been ignored is the sluice gates of immigration pouring a burst dam’s worth of immigrants into the country year after year—an accretion of interlopers that only paused for the global COVID project (sic) to facilitate what the World Economic Forum (WEF) gloats about being the first phase of the “great reset.”
Now immigration numbers are back in full swing under the guise of, among other names, Overseas Students. On one hand, we have a government that is eager to amplify a “voice” for a disunited aggregate of tribal peoples who share nothing much in common least of all a common language; and on the other, they want to further disenfranchise those remaining pureblood Aborigines by forcing an influx of disparate races into their (sic) lands to swamp them even further into total marginalisation.
Either the internationalist “managers” of the economy known as Australia are just stupid with obstinate egalitarian notions of what’s right, or else they’re hoodwinking us. Given that the latter is always the case 100% of the time then it’s a fair bet that “the Voice” is a distraction from other social projects; especially given its vagueness of detail and the rush the globalists are in to establish one.
Firstly, it sets a pretext for “amending” the constitution; an act of bi-partisan tampering that’s unlikely to end with just ‘the Voice.’ Secondly, while the sweaty masses are all het-up about that Voice, they’re not paying attention to its actual purpose, which has almost nothing to do with justifying the insufferable “welcome to country” balderdash in parliament or improving Aboriginal self-esteem through the parliamentary gravy train. In truth, the “Voice” is about solidifying Australia as an Asian migrant zone. Confused? Don’t be.
Australians as perceived during the White Australia Policy were a distinct set of the Caucasian race. Our ancestors invariably hailed from Europe and we shared customs, culture and a common language. That’s all gone and the government-invited invaders are screaming up the charts and outpacing the founders of this country to such an alarming degree that according to the 2021 Census 51.5% of our 25.5 million population was either born overseas or has a parent born overseas. In other words, not Aussies. Don’t be misled if you’re told that a large swathe comes from the UK either because one look at poor old lost Blighty and you’ll quickly see that could mean anything from Pakistani to Senegalese.
Nepalese represent the fastest-growing migrant group, with Indians at the top, and Mandarin the most spoken language outside of English. Other European languages such as Greek and Italian are on the way out, as are Europeans ourselves. This is not by accident but by design—as the intent for Australia is not to honour in the footsteps of the “ANZACS” but to integrate into Asia as an economic zone with a principal loyalty to America’s Satanic Empire.
With such a disparate grouping of races, many of which bring with them ethnic and religious conflicts, the motif of Aboriginality serves as a fixed point of cultural agreement in a tokenistic kind. After all, the Aboriginal “flavour” serves only disingenuous ceremonial purposes and as a semiotic veneer for this new economic zone: it’s not expected that all the coloured imports learn Aboriginal histories and customs. But it means that the “colonial past” and the labour movement are flushed down the can and supplanted by this undemocratic revision of the nation.
Therefore, the Voice is not for Aborigines, but for multi-racialism and rampant commercialism. It is a voice for plunder, exploitation, and the epochal lies that characterise the actors behind ‘the great reset’. Oppose it with every bit of strength you can. And expect them to cheat, because a “Voice” is looking very much like a fait accompli. ■
The New Australian Bulletin’s Nathan Sykes and Jim Saleam had the pleasure of discussing the political situation of Golden Dawn’s leaders, principally GD’s founder Nikolas Michaloliakos and other leading members in Greece, over confected charges with GD’s representative, Ignatius Gavrillidis. It was not a “pleasure” […]
Golden DawnIt was not a “pleasure” in the sense of the topic, but in knowing that the universal force known as Golden Dawn has in no way been extinguished by the efforts of the Zionist internationalist regime led from Washington. The spirit remains strong, and last week, GD members took to the streets of Greece once again in pursuit of a righteous cause.
Golden Dawn represented a significant threat to Greece’s political order, which, as with Australia, is not decided by Greeks but by an internationalist syndicate that is, at its core, Satanic.
In the early part of the last decade, Golden Dawn challenged this order: they did so at a time when western capital finance collapsed due to the nefarious process of financial speculation by several leading banks: a practice known as “sub-prime” lending.
This created the Global Financial Crisis which hit Greece hard. The Greek people were suffering as a result of the finance capitalists who still, to this day, call the shots for the world’s “oldest democracy.”
Golden Dawn showed their humanitarian commitment to their fellow Greeks, as well as displaying their anger at their occupied government. They would distribute food and care to Greece’s needy, a social program they continue to this day, so long after the Greek Occupied State yielded to powerful US-Israeli interests and sought to prevent GD from its logical and—some would say inevitable—progression into Greek parliament.
In 2013, two young Golden Dawn members, Giorgos Fountoulis and Manos Kapelonis were shot dead and a third was injured when an unknown gunman opened fire on GD’s Neo Irakleio headquarters. No one has ever been arrested over that crime, and yet, GD that year was held to account for the murder of anarchist rapper Pavlov Fyssas, 34, by a man of mystery who was purported to have attended a couple of GD meetings. The details of the crime were so bizarre that it smells like a mentally ill patsy was exploited into committing the deed for political ends.
That September, around a dozen members of Golden Dawn, including Michaloliakos were arrested by Greek police over ill-defined charges condemning Golden Dawn as a “criminal organisation.” The GD members spent 18 months in jail on pre-trial detention before being nominally released because the corrupt Samaras & Tsiparas governments hadn’t properly figured out to make the charges stick. The heroic Golden Dawn martyrs were sent to trial and jailed for extensive terms in 2021. The charge of “criminal organisation” is shabbily defined, or in this case, not defined at all. GD had no dubious financial dealings, or anything other than their nationalism with which to pursue such a scurrilous mass prosecution. ■
Australia’s ethnically Chinese-Malaysian-Australian and lesbian foreign affairs minister, the former “mean girl” Penny Wong issued a missive to Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iran’s morality police from the viewpoint of Australian, nee Western, “humanitarian” values. One could unpack those “values” all day, but we’d never […]
Australian NationalismAustralia’s ethnically Chinese-Malaysian-Australian and lesbian foreign affairs minister, the former “mean girl” Penny Wong issued a missive to Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iran’s morality police from the viewpoint of Australian, nee Western, “humanitarian” values.
One could unpack those “values” all day, but we’d never reach the next paragraph. So we’ll take it as having been argued tirelessly that any “values” that include condemning war while fomenting it; grooming school children with homosexual pornography under the veil of “inclusivity”; targeting those children for hazardous sex-altering surgery; infantilizing western nations with identification fantasies; poisoning the citizens of the world with untested vaccines to enrich the pharmaceutical giants and thin out the world’s population; waging a cultural war invoking “science” while offending reason: and deliberately replacing the parent race with a polyglot of racially and ethnically extraneous invaders while tearing down their significant host culture by rewriting history to favour the coloured interlopers—are not values but their total absence.
We must also remark on the utter affront to the memory of the Australian Labor party that Wong represents. It existed to keep her—and her paternal race—out of the country, let alone in such an important position within the Labor Party. But right there is the narrative. Labor has no spiritual lineage to the Australian workers’ party of old. It is an effrontery to the memory of great Australians and Labor men such as John Curtin, William Guthrie Spence, Arthur Calwell and Ben Chifley, to name but a few. It is illegitimate in every sense other than that system that maintains a balanced order satisfying to the western hegemonies. Only, that heretical order is no longer balanced but quite demonstrably unhinged.
In a recent announcement, Australia’s foreign-born Foreign Minister, Penny Wong, declared the Albanese government is imposing human rights sanctions against Russia and Iran.
The financial sanctions on Iran will target individuals involved in the development and supply of military drones being used by Russia in Ukraine. The nature of the sanctions against Russia was not defined. Nevertheless, they are a geopolitical gesture from a government signalling virtues they are bereft of. The sanctions relate respectively to Russia’s security action in Ukraine, and, not just Iran’s support for Russia, but its “human rights” record. Why then wouldn’t a truly righteous government, concerned with the (myth of) western liberalism and human rights not look closer to home? Why would it instead not aim at Canada for killing 10,000 of its poor and disabled citizens a year to spare burdening its healthcare system through government-assisted suicide? Or why not instead call to account the Netherlands, Belgium, or any “friendly” European country that has introduced the frightening concept of “suicide pods?”
Why would a government truthfully concerned with corruption and global justice not dissociate its people from America—particularly while it’s under the control of the despotic league of the Biden crime family?
Joe Biden is a corrupt president with a crooked, drug-addict (reputedly paedophile) son—protected from the consequences of their actions by a nepotistic relationship with America’s department of justice, which they’ve weaponized against scrutineers; along with the FBI.
Together, the Bidens have murky ties to Ukrainian, Communist Chinese and other business interests that are not in the national interest but entirely their own. They are nefarious concerns that even link with the COVID virus, its research and release. Biden is compromised through his degenerate, flaky son to so many countries they’ve had business dealings with that it poses one of the greatest potential security issues the US has ever faced. How many shady foreign operatives have incriminating evidence from Hunter Biden’s sordid drug orgies? What will they do to hush it up there?
A rudimentary answer to the question about independence from the USA would submit that Australia still foolishly clings to the belief that we need America’s protection from China. That means we’ll accept them as defenders regardless of the country’s moral turpitude. But being so exhausted from supplying the equally ruptured Zelensky regime with arms it wouldn’t be possible at this rate even if they harboured the predisposition to fulfil our expectations. Therefore, if the Australian government—or the opposition—want to invoke morality, then we need a national conversation about what that constitutes rather than relying on the memetic symbolism that the political-media-industrial establishment espouses and we’re expected to take for granted.
In an ideal world, the Australian people would demand the political class deliver an extensive, sound, reasoned argument for continuing to be America’s lapdog. But they won’t because they can’t, despite the frenetic efforts of US apologists like The Australian’s Greg Sheridan and others, who are so blinded by the myth of American ideological supremacy that they refuse to acknowledge its malignancy. As such, we continue to do so based on assumptions about moral absolutism. The myth sustains through what the guardians suppress.
America styled itself as “the good guy” following the two world wars. Its crusade was to enlighten the world and rehabilitate empires of old with this idea of democracy and free markets; of personal freedom and collective liberty for all.
Before the era of American economic and ideological expansion, Australia’s titular authorities were afear of radicals chasing republicanism, in the American style. Ironic that thereafter, following both wars, they realigned themselves to America’s favour when all that remained of that great power’s idealism was its prejudice against historical Europe.
America, as Croatian political philosopher Tomislav Sunic argues, has no use for history. It charges ever onward, disdainful of any reverence to the past. That too is true of Australia, except among those patriots, who stand alone from the political castes. After all, we hardly teach our history, and that’s part and parcel of what we’ve become, as much as it’s the continuance of that which we’ve always been.
By diverging into the subtopic of history, we can examine this nation of ours. For, it is not “ours” and never has been. Who are “we”? At one time even that question depended on one’s pecuniary, and thereby social, perspective. To better understand that query requires an understanding of Australian history. Thereafter, that little piece of history becomes the Rosetta stone for unlocking all those existential puzzles perplexing the bewildered Australian mind in questions of identity and ownership.
Australia wasn’t divided up by Australians but by banks, and financial institutions. They owned the land and the means of production. The political battles fought as the states approached federation bifurcated along class lines—or, that of the worker versus the monied classes.
Our form of government was created to represent their interests. It was a struggle for the workers to form a party, but it was nowhere as near as bitter as the fight to first wrest control from the elites and establish the unions which launched their party.
The perfidy of the pastoralists and their guardians knew no limits. Injustice was metered out brutally to those unionists who dared challenge their status as common labour. The effort to proscribe unionism was immense; the desire to restrict universal suffrage was overwhelming.
The White Australia policy was a concession to the idea that an Australian was the son of a new land, but only in part. It was mainly a compromise to secure commercial stability.
Regardless, the Australian man demanded priority in employment. All liberty begins with the right to fair remuneration and sustainable pay in trade for wealth-creating labour. The dreaded “chow”—the Chinaman—was a multitudinous threat to that entitlement as well as the expectation for the pursuit of happiness. The “pursuit of happiness” appears nowhere in Australia’s flawed constitution, but it is the expectation of every man and is also the forebear of revolutions.
The chow population in Queensland reached such a high rate that it nearly outnumbered the Whites. And to harvest the sugar cane, the growers brought in the Kanakas—who were exploited horribly.
The “gentry” of parliament was obliged to favour the demands of plantation owners and pastoralists. Most of them had vested interests in capital, they honoured their personal needs by doing so. Indians were to come next since they were regarded as suited to the northern climate, which defeated the White man.
The unionist who protested against the use of the Kanakas and the importation of labour from the subcontinent wasn’t entirely motivated by race, but by common decency. A large portion of those Islanders was kidnapped from their homes by unscrupulous scouts.
One can see the diversion from conceptions of self-hood and nation held by the worker compared to that of the industrialist et al, whose paternity decided “what was best” for all. In other words, whatever was sweeter for them. Naturally, this conditioned amorality within them.
Whereas, the spirit of that worker, and his ally, the aesthete, held loftier in vision than the grim predictability of the morbid cigar-chewing mercantile man. His “dreams,” such as they held any wonder, were dark clouds of greed rent with lightning flashes of hubris. He knew only ambition, and so his aspirations for his colony were tainted by self-interest.
The necessary “myth” of Australia is missing because it was arrested at the point of national growth. Our most solid legend—as Australians—resides in the “spirit of Anzac.” What a wretched myth. The decision by Australian men to dutifully answer the call of their colonial master, whom they should’ve instead left to his imperialist quarrels, butchered Australia’s manhood and decimated the following generation.
When the subsequent clash came around, our male stocks were once more impacted. Thus, seeing no other choice, Arthur Calwell acquitted himself to his post-war vision of bolstering the population by importing the dispossessed of Europe. His natural assumption was that, as fellow Whites, they would harmonise with the concept of a White Australia. He was wrong.
The Labor Party of Calwell’s day—that which sparkled with the dream of an Australian race—detoured into the imposters of today. The nature of unions changed with the recipe of their political diet. When Whitlam came to power, he had a vision of nationalisation. However, his ambition didn’t involve the Australians as an ethnicity, but as a population. He declared the White Australia Policy dead and was proud to bury it.
Today, what is uttered in hushed tones of national embarrassment, and which has been turned into a pejorative, was a genuine enterprise that might’ve resulted in the very best of European civilisation being distilled through an unpretentious filter—cleansing European man of the shackles of class and privilege and restarting the endeavour of Europeanness in a new, prehistoric land. The experiment might have produced a White, and egalitarian society had it not been derailed by the ideological charlatans and euthanised by the parasitic class.
The importance of preserving ‘Whiteness’ in Australia was essential to the project of forging a distinct people and their nation. A melting pot of races has no character and is either arrived at by migratory happenstance—and thereafter maintained through collective compromise—or susceptibility to coercion. One group will always seek the whip hand as power can never be shared; racial or political. Out here in Asia, surrounded by coloureds, only through sheer will could the originality of the Australian people endure. Sadly, that vision was betrayed.
Cold rationalists might’ve appreciated this, but the capitalists could never resist any opportunity to improve profits through cheap labour. With this prospect, some—maybe not all, but most—desired the opening of Australia to “coolie” labour. And with the onset of Zionistic post-war liberalism, the west was saturated with the left-wing ideas that Hitler expelled from Europe during the war. They took root in America at a time when naïve Australian politicians had hitched our wagon to its rising star. Therefore, it’s little coincidence that when in 1967, under the egregious president Lyndon Baines Johnson, America’s civil rights program was overhauled—its rules on citizenship and migration amended irreversibly—and being in lockstep with the USA, so were ours.
The White Australia Policy was killed off and by the mid-1970s Vietnamese refugees poured in, along with refugees from war-torn Lebanon. The gates were open, and they widen every year, as the solution to any economic downturn or growth forecast is predicated on importing more and more immigrants.
The necessity to hold to anti-imperialistic (read—European) pseudo-values requires that immigrants be sourced from non-White, non-English speaking backgrounds; partly in surrender to our precarious position among teeming populations of Asians; and likewise through the innate liberalism hatched out of latent Christian mores. As such, White Australia transmogrified into “multicultural Australia.”
Remember too, Australia helped to establish the United Nations and that was a mistake for the ages. This indenture to an organisation, whose original purpose expired long ago, serves another agenda entirely. Because of that, we’re obliged to adhere to its rules and accommodate all of its socio-political dictums. We don’t oblige them all—nor does any of its members—yet we remain within its scope.
White Australia had diminishing champions, as the paranoia in the intervening years between WW1 and the Vietnam war, was obsessive anti-communism. The new Australians Calwell had bet on were bemused by White Australia. Those who arrived without pre-programmed bolshevik ideals were prepared to accept any coloured ally so long as they were anti-communist.
The assumption that our new countrymen would respect our hereditary authority was dumfounded by the realization that they did not regard us as any more than English colonists. There was nothing original in our identity as far as they were concerned, as they came from countries with rich histories and old cultures; their weary chauvinism clashing with Calwell’s cockeyed optimism.
Moreover, our policy of multiculturalism, which they lobbied for on both sides disabused them from assimilation. The idea of multiculturalism is exactly so that interlopers can sustain their own cultures and languages, begetting communities, without needing to. Certainly, it isn’t always the case that the children of immigrants don’t by and large succumb to the cultural pull of the new land; it’s just that the “culture” is no more ours than it is theirs—rather it’s the vacuum of consumerism.
Add to the mix the stages of neoconservatism, radical liberalism and Zionism infusing American thought—therefore becoming the boilerplate for western idealism—and you wind up where we are now: with western European history, or putting it expressly, White history being overwritten, as White people are relegated to the role of the “other.”
We are smoke billowing from the exhaust pipe of a brand-new machine. Australia is in the throes of this mess while America is disintegrating from all the culture bombs it’s let explode throughout the once mighty nation.
Given the rhetoric of the World Economic Forum (WEF), which is the think tank and policy setter for all these misleadingly labelled “progressive policies,” that form the basis of the ‘Great Reset,’ then this is the necessary stage of “resetting.” That’s not simply a global economic venture, or even strictly relating to the cult of global warming, but is a racial distribution of power and priority fashioned with a decidedly Semitic prejudice.
Australian history is being rewritten in convoy with militant black identitarianism, for which the intent is to teach American history from the perspective of the enslavement of blacks. The idea was conceived by a firebrand African-American journalist for the New York Times, who dubbed it ‘The 1619 Project.’
You will find this reverence for the “noble savage” in Canada, and America too, but American black supremacists are willing to go so far as repudiating history that at the same time as setting their identity from the time-point of slavery, they are prepared to believe that they’re the true American natives. Certain black power sects claim to be the original Israelites.
Those bothersome European nations—where the people are indigenous to the lands—are instead having their White people displaced, and their history erased based on “racism.” Consequently, the representations of, say, the English people are being coloured over—literally—in historical representations and the retelling of stories coded in Anglo-Saxon DNA. This is happening on television, in film, and in advertising, as much as it is for the rest of us Whites. Statues, street names, and the titles of colleges and landmarks are likewise being removed for diabolical reasons. England’s power structure is equally de-Whitening.
Since there can be no common point to begin a history to include all these disparate races, tribes, and communities within Australia today, European history—that of the parent race—is being substituted with Aboriginal culture. At its best, Aboriginal culture is foggy lore stuck in a permanent circle loop of a primitive man with a spear occasionally recording depictions of animals in stone-age paintings. It is a curiosity, not an achievement steeped in virtue.
To forcibly “convert” Australian society to Aboriginal culture, despite that culture coating being a superficiality, abandons all the lessons, principles, wisdom and knowledge of European civilisation to a unifying gesture.
Meanwhile, White Australian history is redefined as “imperialist” and regrettable. Neither is accurate or true. Yet, none of the immigrant races who score a free pass while White Australia is under attack is offering to leave. They are not ceding to “Aboriginal ownership.”
Moreover, none will embrace the fact that Australia is Australia and Aborigines are Aborigines. White men built this country—irrespective of how the Aborigines feel. The Aborigine built nothing.
There was no “first nation,” just indigenous tribes. This land was sitting ripe for the picking. Nobody realised that initially, given this continent is so far away, and hostile for the most part. But the British took possession of it in the name of the King, used it as a penal colony, and from there a nation was born. It’s a triumphant tale not to be confounded by the bullying of duplicitous ideologues.
The question becomes one of “rights,” and yet how these rights are determined is arbitrary and incongruous. The old replaces the new, and if the old cannot resist the new, it’s a fait accompli—as the new is always seeking to usurp what came before. It’s none truer than of mankind and, in western society, the generational rifts.
To become sidetracked into an argument about the legitimacy of the Australian nation is to miss the point—they do not propose a dialogue but issue declarations. There is no “reasoning,” but directive. And it’s all as deceptive as the White liberals parasitising off Aboriginal identity. Nevertheless, the fraud runs deeper!
The Aboriginal narrative allows those banks, financial institutions and the descendants of barons who profited from parcelling off the colonies to now appropriate the cause.
For it was not the Australian people—who arrived in chains or were brought over as cheap European labour, prospectors, or however the dice rolled for them—but the financiers who dispossessed the Aborigine of his land. The squatters bought it up and sold it off to the next tier of the exploiter. Now, they have the gall to act as the inquisitors of reconciliatory conscience. The trick card here is that there’s nothing to reconcile. The moment you choose that card the game is lost. Sensibility triumphs over practicality, and ultimately, reality.
One can penetrate deep into the Amazonian rainforest, where either they find beauty or the savagery of existence. Beauty is subjective and the reality of existence will kill you in any number of ways. We are all subject to our place in the animal food chain, and thereafter, to the whims of nature. The human quest to order its environment and control nature is perhaps the ultimate vanity, yet it is our instinct. Ethics are a refinement of culture once the struggles over the environment, and the security of the food chain, are achieved.
Beauty conceals ugliness when stripped of its illusory appearance, and ethics obscure intentions. As far as Australia goes, threatening the country’s survival, in deference to an abstract set of values, bound by political fashion, not decency, is a change that “democratically elected” representatives do not get to make. The idea of democratic representation has moved from service—and its role of management—to control.
The idea of western liberal democracy is at an end. It has betrayed itself, as democracy inevitably does. The very word has now become a signifier repurposed to conceal its opposite meaning, as we’ve seen with how the Democrats—and western media—use it to deceive voters. But it misinforms its citizens more so when that representation is juggling the interests of outsiders and a foreign set of masters.
When the meaning of words is altered to suit a political agenda then the language is no longer cultural but official jargon. A nation must be culturally homogenous for its political system to make sense. If there is no shared language, culture, or values then its leaders become the masters and not servants. They are not leading a nation but controlling a country and that’s a major difference. If the citizens do not share unity but only reside in their precinct then nationhood ceases and all changes with it. Yet, every country has an essential resource, and its benefits must flow somewhere. If not to the people then to whom?
We earlier discussed how Australia’s two-party system was founded to represent two distinct interest groups: the worker and the bosses. The bosses assumed the guise of “conservatives,” while the original nationalistic model of the Labor party represented the pursuit of egalitarian, nationalistic ideals. Those conservatives were conserving—not culture or values—but a system that favoured them. They were about resisting change, not because that change was positive, but because they had a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. Even the status quo has changed, although only in terms of its beneficiaries.
Thus, the two-party system is in its death rattle and a national vote results, not in an overwhelming choice of a particular party, but in a consolation result derived from the vagaries of preferential choosing. The test is so convoluted, and let’s face it, rigged, that you ask for an apple and end up with an orange.
There is so little practical difference between Australia’s two major parties that they might as well merge into one. The aspirations of those remaining minor parties with enough members to satisfy the shifted goalposts set by the Electoral Commission. And we cannot return to what was, as what was, is no longer true. It’s not about the worker against the bosses in the distribution of wealth and the management of Australia but between those with differing opinions on economic priorities.
This leaves us with no real “left” or “right.” What we have is a government, not centralised, but concerned with our international configuration. All the important choices are made in America and trickle down to ensure that we stay a Yankee franchise. This means taking on board their social models and engaging with their enemies. It amounts to sharing their “purpose,” as self-interested and wicked as that may be.
To accommodate this multicultural, western liberal, globalist system Australia has become a commercial theme park designed around Aboriginal motifs.
The vision of an “Australian man,” with a culture that sprung fully formed from European civilisation, is lost. The vision is for the theme park—and to safeguard that amusement park for its beneficiaries. They’re not the Australian people but its citizens drawn from anywhere and everywhere. And they aren’t subject to Australian law so much as the decrees of the WEF. Politically, we’re not concerned with Australian issues but the same preoccupations that begin in America to distract the west.
That’s why these days, those from the authentic political left, are alienated from their native patch; they’re scratching their heads wondering what happened to it. And the clue as to why lies in the unifying concept of the exploited and their exploiter at the core of their ideology and its numerous guises—the worker.
While some on the left make noises about “the worker,” they’re employing a euphemism for “the have-nots.” Those ‘have-nots’ are regarded as “unemployed workers.”
Aside from being archaic, that’s a class distinction. In reality, it’s about ability and potential. Arguably, those tie back to class, but only in theory, for the opportunities to improve oneself have never been better.
In history past, the working class were just that—born to serve the lords and robber barons. Only the most industrious could scratch their way out but they’d never, regardless of whether they discovered the secret to alchemy, be admitted into the living rooms of the high-born class. It was simply how society was stratified. America and Australia might’ve offered a “new way,” but class condescension continued through the idea of “old” versus “new money.” Today, little of that remains, and where it still resides, the anachronism of it all is queered by its intrinsic quaintness.
The “victim” has replaced the worker, and identity politics denotes those who would otherwise be marginalised, so the pre-emptive goal is not to proselytize for their acceptance, but to change the society around them, and all the variants of them to come. But this hides the deeper motive, which is about uprooting the nation to create a blank canvas.
The zealot has become the ultimate political actor and yet nowadays we’re all required to be fanatics; either on the right side of the “narrative” or as the villain. However, in the dialectic, the “extremist” is he who won’t abide by the narrative. For, while we speak of “firebrands’ and “ideologues” so far that itself has been exposed as a con. To scratch the surface of these movements and their antecedents (a force for change in Australia too) reveals self-interested “beneficiaries.”
Take for instance the Black Lives Matter movement and its founders. They have been exposed as swindlers, enriching themselves on donations made in good, albeit misguided faith. Their actions amount to criminality. And the inciting incidents which gave the movement its momentum were frauds perpetrated by the media and political opportunists.
Derek Chauvin did not “murder” George Floyd. Floyd died as a result of ingesting multiple fentanyl tablets before they were discovered by the investigating officers. He never had his knee on Floyd’s neck, but on his shoulder; here, the camera lied. Those officers from Minneapolis behaved strictly according to the book. Floyd did not cry out for his mother, but for his (white) girlfriend whose pet name was “mommy.” And Derek Chauvin was not a “sadist” but a respected officer.
Ultimately, the major victim of that epochal tragedy was Derek Chauvin. He became the sacrificial lamb for the great social reset.
Once upon a time, people were lacking information—there was too little until the new technologies came along and the Internet gave us too much. But the result is still the same, despite that information being out there, too many remain ignorant. Therefore, it’s not information they’re lacking but the inclination to learn. ■